Augustus: Managing an Empire Part 2

During roughly the same timeframe as the previous article, adjustments of some magnitude were happening in the family of Augustus. There were consequences for its members and also for Rome. Julia, the daughter of Augustus had married Agrippa in 21 BC and had two sons: Gaius, born in 20 BC and Lucius in 17 BC. Augustus and Livia didn't have any male children, so upon the arrival of Lucius, Augustus adopted them both--"an heir and a spare." After this they were known as Gaius Caesar and Lucius Caesar. The situation was reminiscent of Julia acting as nothing more than an incubator for the offspring of two fathers.

This was an obvious move to secure the chances of an Augustan dynasty. This move also seemed at the time to leave Livia's sons, Tiberius and Drusus, of the running permanently. It was largely thought at the time that Livia would do just about anything to advance her sons' standing. However, there is no historical evidence to suggest she ever did anything impudent in this regard. The sheer fact that Livia remained in high favor and regard by Augustus throughout his life would seem to support this--rumours of stepmother-like doings not withstanding.

Whatever Livia, Tiberius, and Drusus thought privately, the lives they led left no room for complaint. Tiberius, aged 25 and Drusus, aged 21, had already shown talent and ambition and were well rewarded fo it. Augustus arranged for both his stepsons to be able to hold office before the minium ag and he trusted them with multiple challenging duties. Tiberius was known as somewhat dour and withdrawn, but Drusus was overwhelmingly popular and outgoing.

Undated letters of Augustus speak of affection for them both. Both Tiberius and Drusus had an aptitude for military life and leadership--qualities that Augustus expanded upon and exploited.

Events in Gaul soon caused or supplied the pretext to begin the imperial grand strategy. Germanic tribes had won a battle over Marcus Lollius in 17 BC in Gaul. Although the battle wasn't essential, and was even redressed, a legionary standard had been lost. But, out of all proportion, Augustus acted as if this attack was an extreme emergency. He left for Gaul immediately and brought Tiberius with him.

However, upon arrival, there wasn't anything for him to do. Marcus Lollius, a corrupt, status-seeking man who was also a favorite of Augustus, was already preparing a military strike. In addition, when the tribes learned Augustus himself was coming to Gaul, they vanished into their own territory. Still, Augustus would stay in Gaul for three years. Why?

There are not enough historical records left to us to answer definitively. One rumor circulating at the time in Rome was that he left the capitol to cultivate an affair with Marcenas' wife Terrentia. This is possible but would be strange, because it is most probable that Livia traveled with her husband on this campaign as she did on his other jaunts around the empire.

There was news of a plot against Augustus while he was in Gaul. The plot implicated a grandson of Pompey the Great, and a young man named Gnaeus (possibly Lucius) Cornelius Cinna. Cassius Dio wrote that Augustus spent many sleepless nights trying to decide if he should execute the young men or not. Apparently Livia convinced him that he should show clemency to quiet his critics and dissuade future machinations against him.

It is most probable that Augustus spent this time planning future military campaigns. Aggression began in 16 or 17 BC when the governor of Illyricum launched an assault against two Alpine tribes. After this, in 15 BC, Tiberius and Drusus commanded a two-pronged maneuver into what would become the modern Switzerland, Lichtenstein, western Austria, and southern Bavaria. Drusus and Lucius must have achieved an overwhelming victory, for their goals were met in one summer campaign. The following year, Roman forces annexed the maritime Alps. Thus the province of Raetia was born.

One of the ways that the peace was kept here, was that Tberius and Drusus deported thousands of men of fighting age from the area. Although the humanity of this move can obviously be argued--there was a definite
"method to their madness." When Roman armies achieved victory over 'barbarian" tribes it was most often with an overwhelming amount of force. However, there were always enough men left to hide and then proceed to launch future guerilla attacks. So when the geographer Strabo visited the area a generation later, he reported a "state of tranquility," --it was likely the "tranquility" of being barren.

During the time he was in Gaul, Augustus also reorganized the army by demobilizing a great number of men whose period of service was up and settled them in Gaul and Spain. As these men were rewarded fo their years of service, there would probably have a recruitment campaign to make up for the retired men. The length of a legionary's duty was extended to sixteen years and to twelve years for a member of the Praetorian Guard. It was alos during Augustus' time spent in Gaul that the mint in Lugdunum (modern Lyon) appears to have begun operating as a major mint issuing both gold and silver coins to pay legions in campaigns in Gaul and Germany.

"Not only had stage one of the military strategy been swiftly and brilliantly completed, but in the process stage two had been launched. This was because Raetia's northern border was the river Danube, and a little additional fighting led to the acquisition of the neighboring territory of Noricum to the east (roughly the rest of Austria). Noricum abutted Pannonia, whose tribesmen had been defeated in Octavian's Illyrian wars; although the Pannonians had been neither conquered nor occupied, for the time being they were quiet." Anthony Everitt, Augustus, p,266.

Moesia, on Pannonia's eastern border had already been conquered--although another generation (perhaps a little more) passed before it was deemed beneficial to make it a formal province. Pannonia was still very much an issue. In fact, control of Pannonia was still tenuous at best in 14 AD-the year Augustus died. The three Pannonian legions were headquartered to the south-west of the province; fairly close to the border of Italy. There were auxiliary detachments in the forts of Aquincum (Budapest) and Arrabona on the Danube, however, the first legionary camp was set-up at Carnuntum, just about the time Augustus left this mortal coil--14-15 AD.

It was not until the wars of Domitian (r. 81-96 AD), that the Pannonian Danube frontier was strengthened. To do this, client kingdoms were once again relied upon just as they had been on the Rhine. The Suebi had taken control of the area north of the upper Danube, when the Marcomannic king, Maroboduus, sought exile in Rome in 19 AD. The Romans installed a king over the Suebi who lasted until 50 AD, and his successors still showed allegiance to Rome in 69-70 AD. The legions were also stationed well south of the Danube in Moesia; but here the first legionary camp on the Danube, installed in 15 AD, was followed by three others in the middle of the century.

However, the things that Drusus and Tiberius had achieved were real and permanent. Augustus was very happy with his adopted sons and commissioned a huge celebratory monument, the Tropaeum Alpium (Treaty of the Alps) to distinguish this accomplishment. This monument was a great stone edifice, fifty feet tall, and supported a wide circular tower that was surrouned by columns and had a large stepped roof. A statue of Augustus would probably have been placed at the apex--looking out over his conquered territory like a god surveying his mortal charges from on high. The remains of this monument can be viewed at La Turbie, near Monaco, still remarkable after the passage of more than 20 centuries. More here . The image is of the remains of the Tropaeum Alpium. The research resources I used for this article were Anthony Everitt's, Augustus, 2006 and Fergus Millar's The Roman Empire and its neighbours, 1967. Peace and be well to anyone stopping by!

Augustus Ascendant Part 8

Both men had to think about a variety of possibilities where the future was concerned. If Augustus died in a few years Agrippa could take over. He did not have the popularity with the ruling class that Augustus did because of his humble birth and sharp tongue, but his extreme competence and leadership capabilities mad up for that. If both men lived for another 15 to 20 years, Marcellus could take over if he showed enough skill learning how to govern in the meantime. They also had an "insurance policy" due to Livia's two intelligent sons: Tiberius and the 15 year old Drusus, would also be trained in public adminsitration.

No matter what maneuvers were taking place behind the scenes the professional relationship between Augustus and Agrippa appeared to be very strong. In 19 BC, the two men's powers were renewed, but this time Agrippa was granted the tribuncia potestas that Augustus held.

Then, catastrophe struck in Augustus' unusually charmed life. Marcellus became ill and died in the autumn of 23 BC before his games were over. He was only 21 years old. The physician, Musa, treated him with the same regimen used on Augustus during his illness, but this time it didn't work. Augustus delivered the eulogy at his funeral. His body was placed in the great circular family mausoleum that was then under construction. Marcellus' gravestone and that of his mother (Octavia) survive to this day. Julius Caesar himself had laid the foundation for a new theater on the far side of the Capitoline Hill from the Forum. This theater was named the Theater of Marcellus in his honor ( a portion of its outside wall can still be seen.)

Poor Octavia never recovered from this blow. The formerly good-natured, sweet and maternal woman began to hate all mothers-especially Livia, whose son Tiberius would now inherit all that should have belonged to Marcellus. She refused to have a portrait of her son and would not let anyone mention his name in her prescence. In essence, Octavia became a recluse and was in mourning the rest of her life. However, she did attend a special reading by the poet Virgil of extracts from his new epic about the foundation of Rome, the Aeneid.

From Augustus on page 220: "Its here in the Trojan prince, Aeneas; the poem tells the story of his escape from the sack of Troy and his arrival at Latium, where he rules over a kingdom this is the precursor of Rome. At one point in the narrative, Aeneas visits the underworld, where he meets not only the great dead but also the shades of the unborn. He notices a good-looking but downcast youth, and asks who he is. The phantom of Aeneas' dead father tells him that it is the future Marcellus:"

Fate shall allow the earth one glimpse of this young man-

One glimpse, no more...Alas, poor youth! If only you could escape from your harsh fate!

Marcellus you shall be. Give me armfuls of lilies.

That I may scatter their shining blooms and shower these gifts

At least up the dear sould, all to no purpose though

Such kindness be.

The "Fate" line in the above poem should not be spaced that way- I don't know what happens -this has occured more than once. I will try to figure it out-please read the poem "as one" in other words. To continue with the quote from Augustus on page 220: "Virgil's style of recitation was "sweet and strangely seductive" when he reached the line "Tu Marcellus/eris," "Marcellus you shall be," Octavia is said to have fainted, and was revived only with some difficulty."

By far the most likely explanation of the death of Marcellus is that he was one of many Romans killed in the wave of the epidemic that swept the city. Rumors appeared that Livia had poisoned him because she wanted Tiberius to succeed Augustus. This wasn't a well-planned move If-it was true. For now Augustus arranged for his daughter, Julia, Marcellus' widow, to marry Agrippa. Octavia's daughter, Marcella, was the principle victim because of this dynastic plan, for she had to divorce Agrippa to allow her first cousin to be able to marry him. As Anthony Everitt points out in Augustus on page 221: "In the regime's innermost circles, no room was left for sentiment, and the Julian family's women were disposed of according to the political imperative of the hour. Apparently the princeps took the decision on the advice of Maecenas, who told him him, "You have mad him [Agrippa] so powerful that he must either become your son-in-law, or be killed."

Livia was never to live down her reputation as a murderous stepmother. As suggested before, this is probably completely untrue and unfair. In fairy tales, the ancient world already had the expectation that stepmothers were unkind. The Romans also had a very exaggerated fear of death by poisoning, and this undoubtedly added to the rumors against Livia. Poison panics often coincided with plagues. Food poisoning was also well documented in ancient Rome. Years after the death of Marcellus, a close friend of Augustus, Nonius Asprenas, gave a party after which one hundred and thirty people died! This was most like from food poisoning, but Asprenas was charged with murder and taken to court. However, he was acquitted after Augustus showed his support for him. Livia had to bear the vicious gossip and slanders in silence.

Thanks again to Jon, human being and anyone who has ever commented on this blog or follows it! I hope to post again here fairly soon-it feels like I am starting to get a cold/flu -so hopefully I can fight this. The image is a painting (and damn me -I wrote down the painter-and timeframe it was painted in-but of course can't find it-does anybody know? If I can find it I will come back and give credit-when will I learn?) The painting is an artist's rendering of Octavia fainting at Virgil's poetry reading at the mention of her son's (Marcellus) name. All the best to anyone stopping by!

Augustus Ascendant Part 6

Marcellus was off and running in his pre-planned destiny right after this happened. The Senate voted special honors for him; he was given the senior ranking of praetor for special occasions. He also got permission to stand for the consulship ten whole years before the (already reduced age by Augustus) of thirty-seven! Marcellus was also counted as a former quaestor (the most junior elective post) without ever serving as one. Practically, this meant that he would be able to serve as an aedile in 23 BC. This post was very important in regards to the future that was being planned for him, in that he would have a chance to impress the average citizen of Rome because he would be in charge of the city's public entertainment for the year. By this time in Roman history, the citizens expected the most grandiose displays imaginable. The more stunning the performances, the more they showed their gratitude at the ballot box, so Augustus supplied his nephew with an unparalled budget to work with.

Augustus had been absent from Rome for three years when he came back in 24 BC. Upon arriving home, he was still in weak physical condition and not at all sure he would live. Augustus had an almost immediate disappointment in regards to the political settlement he thought he had brought to Rome. Here again from Anthony Everitt's Augustus on page 214 is what happened: "In late 24 or early 23 B.C., Marcus Primus, the governor of Macedonia, one of the Senate's provinces, was taken to court for having gone to war without permission with a friendly Thracian tribe. It was a serious offense for a proconsul to take an army outside his province."

"Among Primus' defenders was one of the consuls for 23 B.C., Aulus Terentius Varro Murena, a trusted and senior follower of the princeps. He was Maecenas' brother-in-law, and the poets Virgil and Horace were his friends (he had lent the party of poets his house at the resort of Formiae on their journey from Rome to Brundisium in 39 B.C.). He seems to have been a dashing, impatient sort of fellow and Horace took it upon himself to offer an ode of advice."

The loftiest pines, when the wind blows,

Are shaken hardest; tall towers drop

With the worst crash...

"Primus' defense was that he had been ordered to launch a campaign by both the princeps and Marcellus. This was most embarrassing, for in theory Augustus only held authority in his own provincia. Of his own accord he attended the court where the trial was being held. The praetor, or presiding judge, asked him if he had given the man orders to make war and he replied that he had not."

The consul and defender of Primus-Murena, then made some disparaging remarks towards Augustus, and asked him: "What are you doing here, and who asked you to come?" "The public interest," was Augustus' only reply. Primus was found guilty (to no one's surprise) and most likely sent into exile. What must be noted here is that most observers of the situation probably did indeed think it improbable that he would have claimed to have carried out orders "from above" so to speak-unless this is what really happened. This incident showed clearly that the res publica restituta, the "restored Republic," was simply propaganda.

Again I would like to go to Augustus on page 215 for what happened next: "The Primus affair led to the formation of a little-understood conspiracy against Augustus. The leader was a young republican called Fannius Caepio. Apparently, the consul Murena was implicated, although Dio thought the charge might be false, "since he was notoriously rough-tongued and headstrong in his manner of address towards all alike." The plot was uncovered and the accused men condemned to death in abstentia. In constitutional theory, the execution of a serving consul was a contradiction in terms, for the Republic's chief executive had supreme authority; if he broke the law, charges could only be brought against him after his term of office had expired. Once again, the libertarian pretensions of the regime were exposed."

"What the aims of the plotters were and how they were revealed cannot be recovered. Perhaps there was no conspiracy at all-or, rather, the princeps organized a setup. But why? We cannot tell. If it was a serious attempt to overthrow the new order, it was evidence that the settlement of 27 B.C. was not working."

There is an interesting aside to the story of the Caepio conspiracy that certainly seems to lend credence to the notion that there was indeed a conspiracy. Maecenas told his wife Terentia about the affair-a state secret. Well Murena just happened to be Terentia's brother! Apparently she did the sisterly thing and told her brother he was in trouble. In a short time, Augustus found out about what I am sure a fellow like him would have considered a betrayal. However, betrayal or not, Maecenas and Augustus' relationship was not destroyed completely--but Maecenas was kicked out of the inner circle of people around Augustus.

Marcellus in his new job as aedile was a huge success at staging Rome's games in 23 BC, but all wasn't well during this year. Rome was hit by some unknown plague-it could have been smallpox, bubonic plague, typhoid or Scarlet fever. These types of plagues and epidemics were fairly frequent happenings in a crowded and dirty city such as Rome. Augustus once again became ill and this time his prognosis looked very bad indeed. At this time had someone told him he would live another thirty-seven years, he probably would have laughed in their face. Thinking he was at death's door he realized he had to act very quickly if there were to be any hope of saving the regime and his plans for Rome. From Augustus on page 216: "He gathered around his bedside the officers of state and leading senators and equites. He spoke to them on matters of public policy and handed his fellow consul, Gnaeus Calpurnius Piso, the breviarium imperii, a book that recorded the empire's financial and military resources. "

"Many were expecting the princeps to bequeath his authority to Marcellus, whom he had only too evidently been grooming. But this had been a long-term plan, and the boy was too young and inexperienced to hold supreme power now. Agrippa would have little trouble deposing him once Augustus was dead. Bowing to this reality, the dying man handed Agrippa the symbol of his authority: his signet ring bearing the head of Alexander the Great."

However to everyone's astonishment-least of all his own perhaps-Augustus recovered. His physician, Antonius Musa, had spun the medical treatment at the time for a man with Augustus' symptoms a perfect 180 degrees. Musa stopped using all of the heat related treatments he had been using on Augustus when it was apparent they weren't working and switched to a regimen of cold baths and potions. This radical change of treatment worked. Anthony Everitt in Augustus points out that the malady afflicting Augustus and Rome at large that year-to a devastating degree may have been typhoid fever as cold packs were a well-known treatment for the disease even into the early 20th century.

Augustus was aware that his plans for dynastic succession were unpopular. He even brought his will to the Senate to read aloud to prove that he had no such plans. But the Senate refused to let him do this as a show of confidence in his leadership. But he knew the political settlement of 27 BC would need to be amended. He resigned as consul on the first of July and proclaimed he would no longer be a candidate for this office. This was a smart move and showed to the Senate and People of Rome 3 things: 1). That he didn't intend to emulate Julius Caesar by keeping a permanent hold on any office. 2). The office of consul used up a great deal of time on routine and ceremonial matters. 3). By not continuing to hold the office, he was letting other members of the ruling class attain it, once again making them feel like they had a real say in Roman politics. However, now Augustus needed to come up with a way to make up for this lost power. He knew he was walking a tightrope between constitutional improprieties that the ruling class might not stand for-and also that he must be careful to not give up any powers that would make him vulnerable.

The image is a beautiful example of a gold coin showing Augustus as Caesar. Once again I appreciate very much anyone commenting or following this blog! I hope to post again here pretty soon. All the best to anyone stopping by!

Augustus Ascendant Part 2

Octavian was now the undisputed master of Rome-he just downplayed a role so many others would have and did play up. Perhaps the more keen-eyed observers would have noticed the prescence of two teenagers, riding on his chariot's right and left trace horses during his triumph. These were the sons' of the two closest women in his life. Gaius Claudius Marcellus was his sister Octavia's 14-year-old son and the other young man was Tiberius Claudius Nero, his wife Livia's 13-year-old eldest son.

Octavia, who appears to have been a very loving and giving person anyway-loved her son "cheerful in mind and disposition" deeply. Octavian's interest in the youth certainly echoed Julius Caesar's interest in his years earlier as he was also a handsome and intelligent boy. Tiberius was no slouch in many areas either, but he had to play second fiddle in Octavian's plans because he was not related by blood-being Livia's son by her first husband.

Octavian was not only in complete control of the Roman empire-but was already starting to think about the long-term survival of his regime and his dynasty! Part of this planning and scheming was not just because it was Octavian's intelligence and nature to be this way-but due to his always unsteady health it was not too early to think of succession plans. If Octavian's nephew lived up to his promise, Octavian couldn't ask for a more suitable heir-and would keep control of the empire "in the family" at the same time.

Here is a quote from Anthony Everitt's Augustus on page 204 that explains more: "There was another thing: Octavian liked and trusted youth. He and his "band of brothers," his two trusted former school friends, Agrippa and Maecenas, had set out together on their great enterprise to avenge Caesar's murder and win power in their late teens. The challenges they faced called forth their talent; now Octavian was looking forward to promoting the new younger generation that was about to emerge. Perhaps as early as 29 B.C., he arranged for the minimum age of officeholders to be reduced: in the case of a quaestor, from thirty years to twenty-five, of a consul, from forty-two to thirty-seven. Senators' sons were expected to familiarize themselves with administration; they were allowed to wear the purple-striped toga, which was the uniform of a senator, encouraged to attend Senate meetings, and given officer posts during their military service."

It wasn't for lack of trying that Octavian and Livia didn't produce an heir of their own. They had each had children by former spouses, and some sources from the classical era put it down to physical incompatibility, but it is more likely that a physical illness led one or the other to become infertile. The boys were still too young to help govern the new regime. Octavian's childhood friends, Agrippa and Maecenas still had huge responsibilities in this area.

Agrippa had been described as "more of a rustic at heart than a man of refined tastes." However, here it must certainly be stated that Agrippa admired fine art and even argued that all paintings and sculptures should be nationalized rather than be viewed by a chosen few in private collections! Not only that, but Agrippa collected art himself and spent the incredible sum of 1.2 million sesterces on two paintings-one of them featured the Greek hero Ajax and the other Aphrodite. A man who practiced what he preached, Agrippa had these paintings put in public baths he built.

Greatly dissimilar to Agrippa it was said Maecenas could almost "outdo a woman in giving himself up to indolence and soft luxury." He was very taken with silks and jewels. Maecenas was also an epicure and made popular a new delicacy-the flesh of young donkeys-to Rome's upscale dining tables. He was supposedly the first man to have a heated swimming pool in Rome. Interesting also, is the fact that he was married to the gorgeous but conceited Terentia. The couple was forever fighting, but Maecenas remained in love with her and would always seek reconciliation. Apparently Terentia caught Octavian's eye and eventually had an affair with him. This doesn't seem to have set relations back between the two men and Maecenas was hardly monogamous himself-although he certainly never tried to seduce Livia! Although one of his affairs was with a freedman and friend of Octavian, a famous actor, Bathyllus.

It would seem from every possible historical source that Octavian only slept with women, but he didn't take the slightest offense to the various sexual habits among members of his inner circle. It would seem that Maecenas didn't take any offense at Octavian's making fun of his effulgent style of writing either. Macrobius, a writer of the fifth century A.D., quotes on example: "Goodbye, my ebony of Medullia, ivory from Etruria, silphium from Arretium, diamond of the Adriatic, pearl from the Tiber, Cilnian emerald, jasper of the Iquvians, Pesenna's beryl, Italy's carbuncle-in short, you charmer of unfaithful wives."

Howver crazy his private life, Maecenas was amazing during times of crisis-showing tireless energy and unwavering skill at giving superb political advice. What was even better for both Octavian and the regime in many ways is that he didn't seek public office and honors, preferring to remain in the background. Maecenas did champion the greatest poets of the age also, and made sure that rare talents like Virgil and Horace were able to publish their works without censorship and stayed in favor with the new order.

Agrippa, for his part detested Maecenas' effeminate and luxurious manners. Agrippa was a very non-cynical, direct and loyal man in an era when men of unquestioned loyalty were sometimes hard to find. Without Agrippa's excellent generalship it is doubtful-impossible maybe that Octavian could possibly have got as far as he got. He received the corona rostrata for his role in the Naulochus campaign. Without Agrippa, the war against Sextus Pompeius would have been lost and he was also the strategist behind the victory at Actium. For Actium, Agrippa got the right to display an azure banner. Also of more fiscal value, Agrippa had the freehold country estates in Egypt. Agrippa was so trusted (as well he should have been), he was for all practical purposes Octavian's deput-almost his equal even, but always in Octavian's somehow larger shadow.

A historian that lived close to Agrippa's time says Agrippa "was...well-disciplined to obedience, but to one man only, yet eager to command others, in whatever he did he never admitted the possibility of delay. With him an idea was implemented as soon as it was thought of." The image portrayals left to us by history of Agrippa show a man with very stern and determined features. He definitely even looks like a man whose anger was to be feared-possibly even by his friend and master?

Agrippa did have official posts unlike the "unofficial" minister of culture-Maecenas-in a post that didn't exist. Agrippa was as unpurusing of the adornments of authority as Maecenas was, although for a completely different reason. Maecenas simply didn't care to hold the actual reigns of power (being satisfied with influence), Agrippa cared for it with great zest-but only for its reality.

There are no historical records of Agrippa's private opinions on political matters. However, as Anthony Everitt states in Augustus: "...we may surmise that he watched Octavian's growing affection for Marcellus with unease. As the young man grew up, Agrippa could well find an inexperienced heir interfering in his freedom of action, interposing himself between him and Octavian. That would not do."

The information for this post came from pages 203 to 206 in Anthony Everitt's Augustus. I really enjoyed this whole bit written here-and believe there is much more to come. I intentionally didn't "condense" information from this part as I found it so interesting. This is everything I have ready to go and I wanted to post it this evening in case I am offline (or not online much) for the next few days. I hope to post again soon-but am not promising anything -on anything I do as I have been struggling with health stuff more than usual-now it seems an overwhelming sense of exhaustion has taken hold of me along with everything else! Thanks again Jon and others for the great comments! I hope anyone stopping by has a beautiful Christmas (and if you don't celebrate Christmas a beautiful holiday season)-and a wonderful and joyous 2010!

Augustus Ascendant Part 1

The new regime not only needed to redefine the past in the most glorious way possible, but it was also very important to establish Octavian as the natural ruler of Rome. They had to develop a cult of personality and an inconography of power. There was two ways this would be done. First, Octavian designated the complex of houses on Rome's Palatine Hill, where he and Livia lived as an emblem of his authority. A ramp connected them to a temple of Apollo, which was a major part of the complex. Octavian had vowed to build the temple during the wars against Sextus Pompeius, but its construction only got under way after Actium and was dedicated in 28 BC.

These days almost nothing remains of it, but the Apollo temple must have been a beautiful sight in its day. The doors were gilded and inlaid with ivory, and its walls were of solid shining-white marble (the walls of Roman temples were usually of brick and concrete with marble cladding). A chariot of the sun stood on top of the roof of the temple and it was surrounded by or connected to a portico of giallo antico, a speckled yellow marble from quarries in Numidia.

Octavian had more in mind for the temple than religious purposes. From his stay in Alexandria, and combining a plan he had had before Julius Caesar's assassination, Octavian put two public libraries there-one for books in Greek and the others for those in Latin. Medallian portraits of famous writers were placed on the walls. Here authors have public readings and the chief librarian, a polymath named Gaius Julius Hyginus, taught classes.

The Sibylline Books-mentioned much earlier on this blog also-were taken from their traditional home in the cellars of the Temple of Jupiter and stored under a gigantic statue of Apollo that stood in front of the new temple. As mentioned earlier, these books were a very highly valued collection of prophecies written in Greek hexameters. These books were consulted during times of crisis for Rome, not to learn the future but to find ways to placate the wrath of the gods. These precious books and their prescence so near Octavian's house was a very big sign of his unique role in the state.

Octavian's image also got a huge facelift. The goal was to give him an aura of divinity or at the very least a semidivine, heroic status. Tales were intentionally circulated about his miraculous childhood and of the prophecies that had foretold of his current greatness. Dio had preserved a false sounding story that is very similar to one told about Alexander the Great's mother and was probably put forth to encourage a direct comparison: When Julius Caesar decided to make Octavian his heir he was influenced by "Atia's [his mother's] emphatic declaration that the youth had been engendered by Apollo: for while sleeping in his temple, she said, she thought she had intercourse with a serpent, and it was this that caused her at the end of her pregnancy to bear a son."

There were more tales of prophecies along these lines. They were all probably made up and one of them had to have been false. This was a story that Quintus Lutatius Catulus saw a god throw what looked like a figurine of Rome in the form of a goddess into the lap of Octavian's toga as he led a procession to the temple of Jupiter. Catulus died before Octavian's fourth birthday-so obviously he was a bit young to be leading a procession to the temple of Jupiter that Catulus could possibly have seen! There was a method to these stories. The three men who supposedly told the most major of the prophecies-Nigidius, Cicero, and Catulus were all dead so they couldn't be asked about the veracity of them. More importantly, these men had all been distinguished republicans, who had opposed Julius Caesar. So the supposed prophecies of Octavian's greatness by them gave his regime founded on violence and illegality, a sheen of respectable Roman republicanism.

August of 29 BC saw Octavian celebrating three magnificent triumphs. One was over Dalmatia, where he had campaigned successfully in 35 and 34 BC; over Cleopatra (meaning Actium), and over Egypt (meaning the capture of Alexandria). If there were any doubts of Octavian's political dominance they would have been stamped out after witnessing these triumphs.

Within days of these, the Senate House opened for debate with a name change from Curia Hostilia to Curia Julia. A new speakers' platform had been built adorned with rostra, ships' prows, from Actium, and the temple to the now deified dictator, built on the spot in the Forum where he had been cremated on his quickly rigged-up pyre, was dedicated.

Here too-a change began in relation to the aforementioned dictator. Octavian had once been proud to call himself divus filius, because it established his power and authority in the eyes of his adoptive father's devoted soldiers and ordinary citizens. However, since the Sicilian War Octavian had not used the title so much and now, from this apogee of celebration and triumph, his propaganda starts to make even less noise about Julius Caesar that in past times. The reason was that Caesar had been a radical, who had crossed the Rubicon and liquidated old Rome. This was completely in opposition to the traditions and values that the new regime wanted to associate itself with-tradition rather than innovation. Of course the idea of the Republic being restored under Octavian and his "traditonal" values was nothing more than lip service and window dressing.

This took longer to correct and "edit" than I thought it would. I had some saved to drafts which helped a bunch-but my back and pain meds are slowing me down as usual. If possible, I would like to take a break and post a bit more tonight-can't promise anything-and even if I do it will be much shorter than this post. I am now in the mood of just getting all information I have posted and "here" instead of saving any for future posts-although for some reason not starting out "new" so to speak seems to help me for some reason. Thanks again so very much to Jon and anyone else who has commented on this blog. I think the information I am into now is so interesting and will try to keep this blog up as much as my health and other things allow. I hope everyone who stops by is having a beautiful holiday season so far! The image is of Emperor Hadrian's Tomb in Rome.

Intermezzo Part Five

The following information in this article is from Anthony Everitt's Augustus from pages 196 to 200. Octavian looked upon the body for a time, then paid his respects by crowning the head with a golden diadem and placing flowers on the trunk. He was asked, "Would you like to visit the mausoleum of the Ptolemies?" To this he sneered, "I came to see a king, not a row of corpses." The Alexandrians may have warmed a bit to Octavian and his admiring curiosity-but this newfound warmth towards their conqueror may have lessened when he accidentally knocked off part of Alexander's nose!

Octavian's friend Areius may have shown him the Mouseion or Place of the Muses. This was a group of buildings on the palace grounds. They included lecture halls, laboratories, a park and a zoo. These were all richly endowed by the Ptolemies and were a center of scientific research and literary studies. The Library of Alexandria was famous over the whole known world at the time. It had about 300,000 books, or scrolls as it were and was opn to anyone who could read. Julius Caesar is wrongfully accused of burning the whole library down during his short Alexandrian war of 48-47 BC-in fact only a part of it was destroyed at that time.

Octavian's stay in Alexandria probably got many wheels turning in his head about what a capital should be, both architectually and culturally. The genius of the Ptolemies had been to show how intellectuals and artists could flower and grow with a "soft" guilding hand by the state. Octavian returned to Rome with his mind made up to create a city whose public image and monuments emanated an appropriate magnificence.

Egypt now lost the independence it had held dear (with a few intervals) for thousands of years and would not reclaim until the 20th century A.D. Octavian gave the new possession, as was proper, to the Senate and People of Rome. However, in many ways Egypt had become his private fiefdom. There was a bit of irony here, as not only was Octavian considered the "lord of the two lands" (that is upper and lower Egypt), but also king of kings-the same high-flown title that Mark Antony had accorded Cleopatra. It didn't take the Egyptians long to accept and pay homage to their pharaoh from the Alban Hills of Italy. Modern archaeologists have made a recent discovery of the Egyptian jackal-headed god, Anubis, as a Roman soldier guarding the entrance to a tomb.

There was a very good reason to give Egypt higher priority than other provinces in the empire. Egypt was the Meditteraneans major producer of wheat, it was Rome's breadbasket. This made it too important to let a senator govern the kingdom as a proconsul. Octavian made his friend, the poet Gallus its first prefect. At first, Gallus seems to have done a great job as an energetic and effective leader, but his new exalted status as a kind of lieutenant pharaoh mad him drunk with power. He also engaged in "indiscreet talk when drunk" about his boss-Octavian.

Gallus even had statues made of himself and a list of his achievments inscribed on the pyramids! This was too much and a colleague sent word to Rome about his activities. In 27 BC Gallus was dismissed. Octavian only denied him entry to his house and the right to enter the provinces of which he was the proconsul. This wasn't enough for the Senate, which exiled him and confiscated his estates. Octavian thanked the Senate for supporting him in the harsh measures he had taken against his friend. Octavian stated: "I am the only man in Rome who cannot limit his displeasure with his friends. The matter always has to be taken further." There are different accounts left to us from history about how Gallus dealt with his disgrace. One has him so humiliated by it that he committed suicide. Another story says he died while having sexual intercourse. The fate of Gallus was a warning to those who orbited the center of power, not to take anything for granted or get out of line.

Enough time had elapsed between the Battle of Actium and the deaths of Antony and Cleopatra for the Meditteranean world to deal with the final conclusion of the civil wars and now to contemplate the unchallenged ascendancy of Octavian. Honors came to him from every corner of the empire, including the right to use the title Imperator, this was the name soldiers used to acclaim victorious generals, as his permanent first name. Octavian declined other awards and honors in a calculating show of modesty.

There was one senatorial decree that gave Octavian the greatest satisfaction above all others. This was the formal closing of the gates of the very modest Temple of Janus. This temple stood in the Forum and had perhaps been used as a bridge over a stream that used to flow across the square (covered a long time now and turned into a drain). Janus was the god of gateways. This god had two faces-one always facing towards the future and the other-the past. The temple had doors on either end; closed in times of peace and open in times of war. Seeing how the Romans were a very warlike people, empire-building people-these doors were almost always open. It was a great compliment and acclamation to Octavian that these doors were shut. A great symbol of the much talked about-and much delayed arrival of peace throughout the entire empire under one supreme leader.

Octavian did not get back to Italy until 29 August 30 B.C. He was consul again, and had been regularly holding the consulship since his triumviral mandate rendered in 31 B.C. Like his great-uncle, Julius Caesar, Octavian knew that he couldn't govern alone, and he made sure Rome knew that reconciliation was very much back in fashion. In his official autobiography, Octavian claimed: "Wars, both civil and foreign, I undertook throughout the world, on sea and land, and when victorious I spared all citizens who sued for pardon."

The claim of clemency should be taken with a grain of salt. Yes-many were forgiven, but some were not. Octavian was not near as free in his let bygones be bygones attitude as his great-uncle was-perhaps remembering what had happened to him by many he trusted on the Ides of March.

Revenge was even taken on the dead. Mark Antony's name was removed from the Fasti, the state register of official events, and many other steps taken such as removing statues of him-his birthday was even made a dies nefastus, an unlucky day, on which public business could not be carried out. There was more going on here than just Octavian's wish to see all memory of Mark Antony expunged from the face of the earth.

There was a propaganda machine cranking up that meant to rewrite history. Actium, which had really been no more than a minor naval engagement with the romantic twist of the star-crossed lovers Antony and Cleopatra breaking through the blockade, was being transformed into a great battle between the hardy and upright moral Rome and the effeminate and devious East, between Good and Evil itself. The poets who associated with Octavian's childhood friend Maecenas, worked on his imaginative rewritings of history.

Horace composed a memorable and-although it was well written-the poem did not have even one accurate statement in it! Virgil, who was the greatest poet of the age, wrote the most complete verse of what all of this was about, in his great national epic of Rome's beginnings, the Aeneid. In this epic, Julius Caesar's ancestor, Aeneas, has Octavian prophetically engraved on his shield at the head of tota Italia, all Italy. The nova or comet that had shone so brightly in the night sky for a week after Julius Caesar's assassination shines above Octavian as he sets out to put the corrupt and craven East in its place:

High up on the poop [he] is leading
The Italians into battle, the Senate and People with him,
His home gods and the great gods: two flames shoot up from his helmet
In jubilant light, and his father's star dawns over its crest.

The image is a marble bust of Octavian at a very young age. I do hope to post the next segment soon. I need to think of a new series name! The "intermission" is over now-if it indeed could ever have been considered one. I am glad I had some of this saved to drafts already. I can't do this near as much as I would like but it helps enormously when I can because of my back and lousy typing. The rest of this week until Monday starts again might be a bit of a mess depending on what happens, but I don't want to say what will or won't get done- as when I do I am often wrong! Please hope and pray if you want for a positive result for me with my disability hearing on the 17th-Thursday. I may not even know the answer for another 3 to 5 months-but my case will be "decided" Thursday whatever happens. The extra time is because there are not enough staff to type up decisions made-like a whole four people for the whole of Maricopa County-maybe even the whole state-forgot which. Thanks again to Jon and anyone else who has commented here or reads this blog-I appreciate it so very much-and hope to keep going with this blog as best I can in the future!