Augustus: Managing an Empire Part 2

During roughly the same timeframe as the previous article, adjustments of some magnitude were happening in the family of Augustus. There were consequences for its members and also for Rome. Julia, the daughter of Augustus had married Agrippa in 21 BC and had two sons: Gaius, born in 20 BC and Lucius in 17 BC. Augustus and Livia didn't have any male children, so upon the arrival of Lucius, Augustus adopted them both--"an heir and a spare." After this they were known as Gaius Caesar and Lucius Caesar. The situation was reminiscent of Julia acting as nothing more than an incubator for the offspring of two fathers.

This was an obvious move to secure the chances of an Augustan dynasty. This move also seemed at the time to leave Livia's sons, Tiberius and Drusus, of the running permanently. It was largely thought at the time that Livia would do just about anything to advance her sons' standing. However, there is no historical evidence to suggest she ever did anything impudent in this regard. The sheer fact that Livia remained in high favor and regard by Augustus throughout his life would seem to support this--rumours of stepmother-like doings not withstanding.

Whatever Livia, Tiberius, and Drusus thought privately, the lives they led left no room for complaint. Tiberius, aged 25 and Drusus, aged 21, had already shown talent and ambition and were well rewarded fo it. Augustus arranged for both his stepsons to be able to hold office before the minium ag and he trusted them with multiple challenging duties. Tiberius was known as somewhat dour and withdrawn, but Drusus was overwhelmingly popular and outgoing.

Undated letters of Augustus speak of affection for them both. Both Tiberius and Drusus had an aptitude for military life and leadership--qualities that Augustus expanded upon and exploited.

Events in Gaul soon caused or supplied the pretext to begin the imperial grand strategy. Germanic tribes had won a battle over Marcus Lollius in 17 BC in Gaul. Although the battle wasn't essential, and was even redressed, a legionary standard had been lost. But, out of all proportion, Augustus acted as if this attack was an extreme emergency. He left for Gaul immediately and brought Tiberius with him.

However, upon arrival, there wasn't anything for him to do. Marcus Lollius, a corrupt, status-seeking man who was also a favorite of Augustus, was already preparing a military strike. In addition, when the tribes learned Augustus himself was coming to Gaul, they vanished into their own territory. Still, Augustus would stay in Gaul for three years. Why?

There are not enough historical records left to us to answer definitively. One rumor circulating at the time in Rome was that he left the capitol to cultivate an affair with Marcenas' wife Terrentia. This is possible but would be strange, because it is most probable that Livia traveled with her husband on this campaign as she did on his other jaunts around the empire.

There was news of a plot against Augustus while he was in Gaul. The plot implicated a grandson of Pompey the Great, and a young man named Gnaeus (possibly Lucius) Cornelius Cinna. Cassius Dio wrote that Augustus spent many sleepless nights trying to decide if he should execute the young men or not. Apparently Livia convinced him that he should show clemency to quiet his critics and dissuade future machinations against him.

It is most probable that Augustus spent this time planning future military campaigns. Aggression began in 16 or 17 BC when the governor of Illyricum launched an assault against two Alpine tribes. After this, in 15 BC, Tiberius and Drusus commanded a two-pronged maneuver into what would become the modern Switzerland, Lichtenstein, western Austria, and southern Bavaria. Drusus and Lucius must have achieved an overwhelming victory, for their goals were met in one summer campaign. The following year, Roman forces annexed the maritime Alps. Thus the province of Raetia was born.

One of the ways that the peace was kept here, was that Tberius and Drusus deported thousands of men of fighting age from the area. Although the humanity of this move can obviously be argued--there was a definite
"method to their madness." When Roman armies achieved victory over 'barbarian" tribes it was most often with an overwhelming amount of force. However, there were always enough men left to hide and then proceed to launch future guerilla attacks. So when the geographer Strabo visited the area a generation later, he reported a "state of tranquility," --it was likely the "tranquility" of being barren.

During the time he was in Gaul, Augustus also reorganized the army by demobilizing a great number of men whose period of service was up and settled them in Gaul and Spain. As these men were rewarded fo their years of service, there would probably have a recruitment campaign to make up for the retired men. The length of a legionary's duty was extended to sixteen years and to twelve years for a member of the Praetorian Guard. It was alos during Augustus' time spent in Gaul that the mint in Lugdunum (modern Lyon) appears to have begun operating as a major mint issuing both gold and silver coins to pay legions in campaigns in Gaul and Germany.

"Not only had stage one of the military strategy been swiftly and brilliantly completed, but in the process stage two had been launched. This was because Raetia's northern border was the river Danube, and a little additional fighting led to the acquisition of the neighboring territory of Noricum to the east (roughly the rest of Austria). Noricum abutted Pannonia, whose tribesmen had been defeated in Octavian's Illyrian wars; although the Pannonians had been neither conquered nor occupied, for the time being they were quiet." Anthony Everitt, Augustus, p,266.

Moesia, on Pannonia's eastern border had already been conquered--although another generation (perhaps a little more) passed before it was deemed beneficial to make it a formal province. Pannonia was still very much an issue. In fact, control of Pannonia was still tenuous at best in 14 AD-the year Augustus died. The three Pannonian legions were headquartered to the south-west of the province; fairly close to the border of Italy. There were auxiliary detachments in the forts of Aquincum (Budapest) and Arrabona on the Danube, however, the first legionary camp was set-up at Carnuntum, just about the time Augustus left this mortal coil--14-15 AD.

It was not until the wars of Domitian (r. 81-96 AD), that the Pannonian Danube frontier was strengthened. To do this, client kingdoms were once again relied upon just as they had been on the Rhine. The Suebi had taken control of the area north of the upper Danube, when the Marcomannic king, Maroboduus, sought exile in Rome in 19 AD. The Romans installed a king over the Suebi who lasted until 50 AD, and his successors still showed allegiance to Rome in 69-70 AD. The legions were also stationed well south of the Danube in Moesia; but here the first legionary camp on the Danube, installed in 15 AD, was followed by three others in the middle of the century.

However, the things that Drusus and Tiberius had achieved were real and permanent. Augustus was very happy with his adopted sons and commissioned a huge celebratory monument, the Tropaeum Alpium (Treaty of the Alps) to distinguish this accomplishment. This monument was a great stone edifice, fifty feet tall, and supported a wide circular tower that was surrouned by columns and had a large stepped roof. A statue of Augustus would probably have been placed at the apex--looking out over his conquered territory like a god surveying his mortal charges from on high. The remains of this monument can be viewed at La Turbie, near Monaco, still remarkable after the passage of more than 20 centuries. More here . The image is of the remains of the Tropaeum Alpium. The research resources I used for this article were Anthony Everitt's, Augustus, 2006 and Fergus Millar's The Roman Empire and its neighbours, 1967. Peace and be well to anyone stopping by!

Augustus: Managing an Empire Part 1

In his official autobiography, Res Gestae, Augustus pridefully stated: "I englarged the territory of all provinces of the Roman People on whose borders were people who were not yet subject to our imperium. This line of thinking does not quite gibe with what he said after returning to Rome from his negotiations with King Frahata of Parthia in the east in 20 BC., which was that he had no intentions of adding to Rome's provinces. Augustus declared "the existing number was exactly sufficient," also writing his judgment of this to the Senate.

We can see that the statement made in his autobiography is much closer to the truth. For Augustus was truly an aggressive imperialist and expanded Rome's imperium more than any other ruler in a comaparable timeframe in all of Rome's previous history.

And the Roman people gave their blessing to this imperial expansion--even expected it. It is true that Republican law had made it illegal for the Senate to declare war without a provocation. Also Rome had secured much of its eastern empire without totally meaning to do so, such was the case in 133 BC, when the king of Pergamum died and willed his entire kingdom to Rome. The conviction that Rome had an imperial destiny was fixed in the minds of the Roman people, much like "Manifest Destiny" in the United States and British imperialism 2,000 years later. Indeed, empire was one of the methods that the Augustan regime legitimized its existence in the Roman mind.

The reign of Augustus was actually the last great age of Roman expansion. Slightly before he died, Augustus left his successor (and stepson) Tiberius the advice not to expand the frontiers of the empire. After Augustus there were only two major military campaigns that led to permanent acquisitions. These were Britain in 43 AD under Claudius and Dacia in 105-106 AD under Trajan. Trajan's other conquests in Armenia, Mesopotamia and south to the Persian Gulf in the campaigns of 113-117 AD were falling apart before his death, and were formally renounced after his death. However, a new province--Mesopotamia (again) was finally brought into the orbit of Rome after the Parthian wars of Marcus Aurelius' co-emperor, Lucius Verus, in 162-166 AD and of Septimius Severus in 194-198.

"But even the relativlely peaceful period up to the 220s was filled with constant change and development in the disposition and function of the army, and the nature of the frontiers. At the beginning of the period indeed it could hardly be said that recognizable frontiers existed. In the West there were still three legions in the interior of Spain, finally conquered only in 26-19 BC. Legionary camps were grouped along the Rhine, but no permanent forts had yet been established beyond it. The land between the headwaters of the Rhine and Danube was not yet occupied, while the first legionary camp on the Danube itself-Carnuntum in Pannonia-was established only in about AD 15; on the lower Danube towards the Black Sea, Roman control was still episodic in the early years of Tiberius." Fergus Millar, The Roman Empire and its neighours, p.104.

As far as the idea of Roman frontiers is concerned, this brings to to mind how very blurry and indefinite those frontiers must have seemed at the time. There was no accurate navigational equipment at the time, and most explorers (who were usually merchants and traders) didn't quest very far from the Meditteranean.

The Romans thought that all of the world's landmass was contained in a semi-circular disk made up of only Asia and Europe. They thought the island of Britannia to be at the northwestern edge of this disk and that the whole landmass of the world was completely encompassed by a vast sea--Oceanus. As the Roman Empire already took such a great portion of the land, they believed was all that was there, it must have been greatly enticing for Roman rulers to believe that they would one day be the masters of it all.

The first world maps that we know of came from fifth-century Athens. The Romans, with their imperial obligations valued the importance of cartography. Julius Caesar had commissioned a world-map that most likely was a part of a triumphal monument he had constructed on the Capitoline Hill. Augustus wanted a more refined and detailed map, so he commissioned his indispensible deputy, Agrippa, to make the orbis terrarum or "globe of the earth." This depicted hundreds of cities linked together by Rome's marvelous network or roads. It was fashioned from reports by Roman governors, generals and travelers. The result that emerged from this was a largely recognizable picture. However, the distances between places and the shapes of them became less accurate the further they were from Rome.

The most important job of the orbis terrarum was to assist military commanders, imperial governors and administrators. It was also an impressive synbol of Roman power. The map was displayed--either by painting or engraving--on the wall of the Porticus Vipsania, a collonade erected by Agrippa's sister as a permanent public display. Papyrus or parchment copies of the orbis terrarum were also made for travelers.

It would appear that a well-defined "program" was also mapped out in the years after Actium by Augustus and Agrippa. The two spent many years abroad putting down revolts, inspecting (and reforming if necessary) local administrations, and superseding these tasks, consolidating and expanding the empire. Augustus was in Gaul and Spain from 27 - 24 BC, in Greece and Asia between 22 and 19 BC, and again in Gaul from 16 to 13 BC. Agrippa went east from 23 to 21 BC and Gaul and Spain in 20 to 19 BC. During this time the eastern provinces and client kingdoms were reorganized, and the frontier of Egypt was expanded southwards; contact with the Ethiopians resulting from this. Gaul and Spain were pacified, and negotiations with the Parthians were successfully concluded.

The orbis terrarum revealed three problems that had yet to be vanquished. 1) With the Alps being controlled by a group of untamed tribes, it was impossible to reach the eastern provinces by land around the top of the Italian peninsula. 2) Macedonia's frontier was hard to defend and ill-defined. 3) The Germanic tribes were putting up constant challenges along the river Rhine which formed the Gallic frontier from the North Sea to the Alps from the western side.

The best solution to these problems would be to gain control of the Alps and then proceed north and create a defensible frontier lined with legions along the river Danube. By doing this Italy and Macedonia would be protected from direct assault from buffer provinces in the north.

There was a problematic area if the Rhine and Danube rivers were to indicate the empire's permanent boundary. A salient was created by the heads of the two rivers at the apex, where modern Basel, Switzerland is. Germanic tribes hostile to Rome could use the salient to run interior lines, allowing them a huge military advantage. Thus the final procedure of the plan would be to invade Germany and create a new frontier at the river Elbe. This would take care of the salient and form a border that would be a roughly straight line between the North Sea and the Black Sea. There was an added advantage to this plan because the annexed territory would protect Gaul from eastern invaders. The well-thought out completeness and the interdependent elements of this three part plan would suggest that it was the brainchild of the steadfast, loyal Agrippa--the man solely responsible for winning all of Augustus' wars for him.

The link here will explain the image--I tried to find what some scholars think the actual orbis terrarum may have looked like and will continue searching. I think I have enough time to do one more article here on my new "schedule"--hopefully it will be here in a two or three days. Peace and be well to anyone stopping by! The research materials I used for this article are Anthony Everitt's Augustus published in 2006 and Fergus Millar's The Roman Empire and its neighbours published in 1967.

Augustus Ascendant Part 13

In the Republic, any citizen found guilty of a crime had the right to appeal directly to the people. Now in Augstus' "restored Republic" only he could overturn a sentence of death. Provacatio ad populum became appellatio ad Caesarem-an appeal to Caesar. Augustus-who was nothing if not efficient-although perhaps his honesty in many areas left something to be desired- tried many things to improve the efficiency and honesty of imperial administration. With the ever indispensable Agrippa's help, Augustus ushered in an era of uniform and tranquil governance throughout the empire.

In Africa, the Gallic and Spanish provinces some of the luxuries of Roman civilization were introduced (aqueducts, theaters and the like). Regular censuses were performed to ensure a fair assessment or provincial taxation, and tax collection as a whole was made more equitable. Augustus "borrowed" Egnatius Rufus' concept of maintaining a troop of 600 slave firefighters in Rome itself, and in 6 AD, this was expanded into seven cohorts of firemen, with each cohort protecting two of the fourteen districts that Augustus had divided the city into. Three cohortes urbanae or urban cohorts were formed to police Rome also.

In Augustus on page 231, Anthony Everitt goes into other ways Augustus sought to improve imperial administration: "Augustus did not interfere in the local government of Italy. He left its four hundred or so towns and cities to manage their own affairs as they had always done, except in two respects. He divided the peninsula into eleven departments for the purpose of the census of citizens and the registration of public land. And, more important, he recognized the need for speedy communications. He tried to persuade senators to invest some of the spoils of successful military campaigns in improving and extending the Italian road network. When that failed, he himself took over the cura viarum, the responsibility for roads, and made large ddonations from his own pocket for road construction."

Regular relay stations were set up across Italy. Chariots and horses were made available by local officials and people using the service paid a fixed fee for it. As this network became more sophisticated, an experienced military man called the praefectus vehicularum, was put in charge of it. Over time the relay stations provided an extensive network that improved communications in all of Italy and the provinces to the north. Augustus and Agrippa had followed the example of distinguished men from the era of the Republic, who were expected to spend large amounts of money on public works. Both men invested a great deal of their personal wealth in new public buildings and upgrades in the city. Eventually new senatorial commissions were set up in such a way that they oversaw the upkeep of roads- the curatores viarum and public buildings and temples- the curatores locorum publicum.

From Augustus on page 232: "Augustus introduced greater order into the day-to-day management of the empire than had existed in the past. In the abscence of a professional civil service, officeholders with imperium in the Republic, such as consuls and praetors, used to govern from their town houses in Rome and used slaves and servants, family and friends to expedite business. Augustus governed in the same way, but on a much larger scale. He employed a growing army of slaves and freedmen to undertake the routine tasks of administration."

Augustus, however, didn't believe that it was politically acceptable fro people like slaves and freedmen to be the official standard-bearers of the new order. He laid down a roadmap for a governmental service for men of Rome's upper classes. In this way, young men of the senatorial class who showed talent could spend their whole careers as public administrators who were reimbursed quite well for their services. After these men had completed military service, and still in their late teens, they could secure minor posts as vigintiviri, which literally means "twenty men." A typical career path for these men would be working for a year in the mint; supervising the cleaning and upkeep of Roman streets, managing prisons and executions, and judging cases that involved slavery or freedom. From these lower positions they would go on to serve as tribunes of the people-except of course if they were members of the patrician class- or aediles. After this, they could run for one of the twelve praetorships. After serving as praetor they could go on to govern a minor province or command a legion. The always coveted office of the consulship awaited the most ambitious and successful, after which one could go on to govern one of the major provinces or one of the curatorships in Rome.

Augustus on pages 232-233: "The Senate only produced senior administrators, and the princeps also looked for assistance in less important jobs from the equites. Whether they were senators or equites able men became professional servants of the state, receiving a salary and living out long and interesting careers. The fact that Augustus twice enacted bribery laws, in 18 B.C. and 8 B.C., not only illustrates his commitment to clean government, but also suggests that his efforts may have met some resistance. Inch by inch, though, prototypes of the institutions that we take for granted in a modern state were beginning to emerge. The amateurish and corrupt mechanisms of the Republic were gradually replaced by something resembling an honest state bureaucracy."

I still have a lot of information to post and hope to be online here and there to do it. I haven't been so caught up in awhile. If I were a better typist I could keep going-but my hands and fingers are saying forget it! All the best to anyone stopping by!

Augustus Ascendant Part 12

From Anthony Everitt's Augustus on page 229: "Augustus was a reformer who liked to move at a snail's pace. In many aspects of his administration, change and innovation proceeded step by step over many years.

Time and again, he did his best to improve the functioning of the Senate, which, together with the people, remained the legal source of authority in the state. Rather than appoint more censors, the princeps decided in 18 B.C. to use his new consular authority to act as censor himself (as he and Agrippa had done in 28 B.C.) and review the membership of the Senate. He raised the minimum wealth of a senator from 400,000 sesterces to 1 million sesterces, a substantial sum of money. This set a significant distance between the senatorial and the equestrian orders, and helped to create a distinct senatorial class. Birth as well as property became a qualification. In the days of the Republic only senators could lay claim to senatorial status, but from now on sons of senators acquired the status as of right, while others were obliged to apply for it.

As the princeps had discovered ten years previously, cleansing the Senate of its reprobates wasa tricky and unpopular excercise. His dream was to reduce it to three hundred members, which would make it a much more effective legislative body. He devised an ingenious scheme, which was intended to achieve his objective with the least possible blame attaching to him.

He selected thirty senators, each of whom was there to choose a further five. Each group of five would be choose one of its number by lot, who would become a senator. This man would repeat the process, which was to continue until three hundred senators had been found. The scheme being too clever by half, various malpractices developed, the proceedings ground to a confused halt, and Augustus was obliged to take over the selection himself. He ended up by creating a Senate of six hundred members and seriously annoying a large number of people. In compensation, he gave various privileges to those who had been expelled. They were allowed to stand for election to the various offices of state; in due course. Most of them returned to the Senate."

Augustus had thought out his "revisions" to the Senate in the most miniscule detail- and after all of this it was almost a completely wasted effort. Augustus did continue to accord the Senate with great repsect and dignity, and also sought out its advice. Augustus even encouraged senators to speak their minds- and some took him up on it. Most senators, however, didn't live up to Augustus' expectations of them, and in 17 BC fines for nonattendance were increased and quorums were established for particular varieties of interests. Augustus also took steps to expedite decision-making sometime between 27 and 18 BC.

Going back to Augustus on page 230: "...He set up a senatorial standing committee, which consisted of himself; one or both consuls, one each from the quaestors, aediles, and praetors, and fifteen other senators chosen by lot. Some members changed every six months and the whole committee once a year, except for the princeps. Its task was to prepare business for full sessions of the Senate."

It should be noted that the standing committee idea also didn't work well. This may have been exactly what Augustus had planned. Between the high number (for an executive decision making body) of 21 and the quick turnover in members it is no wonder the group floundered. This left Augustus and a small informal group of advisers-called the amici Caesaris, "Caesar's friends," to "guide" debate in the Senate. We can only imagine that will of this scheming and maneuvering by Augustus, that the senators-and indeed any officeholders, must have been quite confused at times as just to what their job really was and how to do it!

I will again lean on Anthony Everitt and Augustus to explain more fully on page 230: "The Senate's powers remained advisory in principle, and bills were still laid before popular assemblies for approval. However, its decrees or senatus consulta were increasingly regarded as binding, especially when specifically supported or initiated by the princeps.

Both the Senate and the princeps acquired new legal powers. The old republican courts of law, the iudicia publica, remained in being, presided over by praetors. But cases of treason or otherwise high high political importance could be brought to one of two new courts, the princeps in council or the consuls in the Senate, against which there was no appeal. The ever growing number of citizens made it impractical to remit all criminal prosecutions to Rome, so proconsuls were given the authority to carry out judicial functions."

I hope to post again here soon - as I have a lot of information ready. Thanks for anyone commenting or following this blog. All the best to anyone stopping by!

Augustus Ascendant Part 10

A person of great importance enters into our story here around this time. While Agrippa was subduing the last remnants of resistance to Rome in the west, Augustus was busying himself with the boundaries and rulers of the client kingdoms of the east, along the empire's eastern frontier. His final aim was to have some sort of answer to the Parthian "problem." Augustus decided to use a two-pronged approach with King Frahata of Parthia-one diplomatic, one military or "carrot and stick" diplomacy in other words.

The diplomatic approach fell into Augustus' lap. A pretender to the Parthian throne had kidnapped one of King Frahata's sons and made off to Rome with him. Augustus sent the boy back to his father, thus making the first overture, on the condition that Parthia returned any surviving prisoners of war and the Roman standards lost by Crassus and Antony. While he was attempting to make this deal with King Frahata, a military expedition was formed against the strategically important kingdom of Armenia.

Augustus wanted to depose the anti-Roman King Ardashes and replace him with a client king. If Rome could achieve this and Armenia became a satellite of the empire, the Parthians would have a contentious northern border added to other unfriendly neighbors. Tiberius, aged 22 years and Augustus' stepson was the general he chose to lead his legions against the Armenians in 20 BC. Tiberius was powerfully built and above average height. His body was not only well proportioned but he also had a handsome face with penetrating eyes. Tiberius had long hair at the back of his skull and neck, which was a habit of the Claudian clan.

Tiberius didn't take to religion at all, but he did have faith in astrology, and the motions of the stars and planets in the heavens led him to believe the world was ruled by fate. Tiberius shared the same horror of thunder as Augustus. He would put a laurel wreath on his head when the skies threatened, which Romans believed made them safe from lightning. Tiberius was a scholarly/philisophical type and admired Greek and Latin literature. He adored ancient myths and legends. Tiberius truly sought out and liked to be in the company of professors of Greek literature. He took great pleasure in asking these men arcane and unanswerable questions: such as "Who was Hecuba Queen of Troy's mother?," "What song did the Sirens sing?" "By what name was Achilles called when he was disguised as a girl?"

Tiberius had an elaborate sytle of speaking that was hindered by so many affectations that his spontaneous speeches were thought to be much better than the ones he had prepared.

Turning again to Anthony Everitt's Augustus on page 226: Augustus arranged for Tiberius to enter public life in his late teens; the young man undertook high-profile prosecutions and special commissions, among the latter, the crucial task of reorganizing Rome's grain supply. He acquitted himself well. The princeps was pleased, for he was keen for Tiberius and his brother, the eighteen-year-old Drusus, to share the burden of government. They were to be the packhorses of the regime, for the princeps had not given up his dynastic ambitions. In 20 B.C., Agrippa's union with Julia produced a boy, Gaius. If he survived the multiple potentially lethal ailments of infancy, he could become the heir to the empire, and on this occasion Augustus' old school friend would be hardly likely to object."

Tiberius' first major assignment turned out to be quite easy-for the Armenians deposed and killed Ardashes before the Romans arrived! Tiberius put the crown on the head of the new king ( a pro-Roman exile) himself.

With the takeover of Armenia by a pro-Roman king, King Frahata decided it was much better for him to be at peace with the Romans, and he returned the standards and prisoners. Of course the Roman public would have liked to see the Parthians taken to task militarily, but Augustus, ever the deliberate and forward planning politician had won a great diplomatic victory.

The relationship between the two empires went from absolutely frosty to a level between detente and entente and stayed that way for quite awhile. Augustus gilded the lily just a bit about this event in the official account of his life: "I compelled the Parthians to restore the spoils and the standards of three Roman legions to me and to ask as suppliants the friendship of the Roman people."

Once again unsettling news came from Rome. Now that both Agrippa and Augustus were away the public left one of the consulship seats open in 19 BC and wanted Augustus to take the post. Egnatius Rufus, a man described as "better qualified to be a gladiator than a Senator," volunteered to fill the post himself. When Rufus had served as aedile in 21 BC, he became very popular by creating Rome's first fire service, and payed for it with his own money using 600 slaves. He had been elected praetor the following year. In the eyes of Roman law this was illegal because the rules called for an interim of years between successive elective posts. Rufus's bid for the office was blocked. However, this wasn't the last of the story. It is not known if there is a kernel of truth to this but he was arrested and prosecuted for conspiring to assassinate Augustus. Egnatius Rufus was convicted of this crime and executed.

In Augustus on page 227: Whether there was any truth in this is unknown, but it would not be surprising if the authorities decided to eliminate a great nuisance by inventing a capital charge. Augustus put an end to further agitation and speculation by nominating a second consul for the year.

Thanks once again to anyone following or commenting on this blog. I will try to keep up with this as best I can. I am trying to get over some bad fatigue now and am trying to work on a couple of other projects when I am not tired-but I am trying to make time for everything. All the best to anybody stopping by! The image is a gold aureus picturing Tiberius as emperor on the obverse and his mother, Livia on the reverse.

Augustus Ascendant Part 9

The years 23-17 BC are interesting to study because they show the "ways and means" of how Augustus intended to rule the empire he controlled. His control of the empire would probably seem very awkward to a modern dictator. Rome of course, knew inststantly, pretty much, of what was going on and how he intended to rule. But the Roman Empire was so enormous in extent, how could Augustus put his "stamp" over the whole immense territory?

Obviously there was no such thing as fast communication in those days. All hell could be breaking out in one area of the empire and it could be weeks-at the very least-before Rome knew anything about it. Augustus intended to mold the empire to his liking as much as he could. Even though travel was slow and often dangerous Augustus spent years away from Rome-with Agrippa's help. Sometimes one man would take the place of the other in whatever area they were in-and the other would watch over the political situation in Rome.

For years after Actium (31 BC) the eastern provinces had a much greater say in their own governance than other areas. In 25 BC, Galatia (in central Anatolia) was made a province of Rome. Augustus sent Agrippa east in 23 BC. There are no historical records left that tell us exactly what his mission was. Agrippa made the island of Samos his headquarters. Conceivably, Agrippa could have been sent to gather intelligence on the Parthians. Augustus didn't want to make war with the Parthians again but he did want to negotiate the return of the army standards that Crassus lost in 53 BC, and also those lost by Mark Antony in 36 BC.

Augustus wanted to achieve a stable peace-a detente or even an entente with the Parthians. It was a time to consolidate the empire and not resume holtilities with a formidable foe. Around this time, Augustus was either going to join Agrippa or take over for him. But he was prevented from doing this-not only because the plague of the previous year continued to rage through Italy, until the point farmers stopped working their fields and food shortages developed-but the river Tiber also overflowed and flooded the city! This started an even greater cascade of problems when the people of Rome demanded that Augustus assume dictatorial powers to deal with the problem-they even threatened to burn down the Senate House (with the Senators inside) if this didn't happen.

Now another event had happened that showed how precarious Augustus' role in the state he had created was. If the princeps did what the mob demanded, the whole fiction of the "restored Republic" would be blown right open. It would also ruin his relations with the Senate into the future, as they of course would see it as a return to the days of Julius Caesar. Once again Augustus showed his tremendous skill at coming up with a different solution that didn't please everybody 100% but was enough.

Augustus swore before the mob that he would rather be stabbed to death than be made dictator. He did have himself made commissioner of the grain supply and quickly put an end to the food shortages. Augustus also arranged for the yearly appointment of two former praetors to oversee the distribution of grain in the future.

Finally, in the autumn of 22 BC, Augustus left for a restful trip to the east, probably in the company of Livia. But no more than they made their first stop in Sicily, that news of yet more unrest in Rome reached them. It seems that the Roman people were determined to have an absolute leader at this time in their history, as opposed to the pride of being free in the past. They had elected only one consul this year, hoping that Augustus would fill the seat of the vacancy. He refused to do this, but he did have Agrippa return to Rome to restore order. In 21 BC, after his return to the Capitol, Agrippa married Augustus' daughter, the 18-year-old Julia. Agrippa must have felt very secure in his power and position indeed, for he did so despite her father's abscence!

Then Agrippa was off yet again for more military campaigning. He went to Gaul, Spain and Aquitania and other places. Then he went to northern Spain and began once again to try to bring to heel the same tribes that Augustus hadn't been entirely successful in pacifying. Agrippa was victorious at this in 19 BC, as he had been so successful in his generalship in other tasks.

I hope to post again here pretty soon. I have been having some connection problems so hopefully this will sort itself out like it did before. Thanks again to Jon, human being and anyone following or commenting here! The image is of a theater in Merida, Spain promoted by Agrippa and built between 16 to 15 BC. All the best to anyone stopping by!

Extra note-the information for this post came (once again) from Anthony Everitt's excellent Augustus pages 221 to 225. I found a treasure of a book -Fergus Millar's The Roman Empire and its Neighbours from 1966. I would like to start using information from this book in between the Augustus information because it so beautifully explains the background functioning of Rome's government and how different posts and departments of government changed over the years. The Millar book I had picked up for a whopping dollar at a library sale. It is too bad I hadn't looked through it earlier for this blog-but am so glad I finally did. Due to the economy-libraries, yard sales, discount book stores and the like have some incredible prices on books. I picked up a first edition (like new) of David McCullough's John Adams for 3 dollars and fifty cents. In a way it is sad-I seem to notice that the history books are usually the "cheapest" -I assume this is because people (especially in the United States) are not interested in historical subjects. I am just writing this to let people know you might find some incredible deals out there for books right now.

Augustus Ascendant Part 8

Both men had to think about a variety of possibilities where the future was concerned. If Augustus died in a few years Agrippa could take over. He did not have the popularity with the ruling class that Augustus did because of his humble birth and sharp tongue, but his extreme competence and leadership capabilities mad up for that. If both men lived for another 15 to 20 years, Marcellus could take over if he showed enough skill learning how to govern in the meantime. They also had an "insurance policy" due to Livia's two intelligent sons: Tiberius and the 15 year old Drusus, would also be trained in public adminsitration.

No matter what maneuvers were taking place behind the scenes the professional relationship between Augustus and Agrippa appeared to be very strong. In 19 BC, the two men's powers were renewed, but this time Agrippa was granted the tribuncia potestas that Augustus held.

Then, catastrophe struck in Augustus' unusually charmed life. Marcellus became ill and died in the autumn of 23 BC before his games were over. He was only 21 years old. The physician, Musa, treated him with the same regimen used on Augustus during his illness, but this time it didn't work. Augustus delivered the eulogy at his funeral. His body was placed in the great circular family mausoleum that was then under construction. Marcellus' gravestone and that of his mother (Octavia) survive to this day. Julius Caesar himself had laid the foundation for a new theater on the far side of the Capitoline Hill from the Forum. This theater was named the Theater of Marcellus in his honor ( a portion of its outside wall can still be seen.)

Poor Octavia never recovered from this blow. The formerly good-natured, sweet and maternal woman began to hate all mothers-especially Livia, whose son Tiberius would now inherit all that should have belonged to Marcellus. She refused to have a portrait of her son and would not let anyone mention his name in her prescence. In essence, Octavia became a recluse and was in mourning the rest of her life. However, she did attend a special reading by the poet Virgil of extracts from his new epic about the foundation of Rome, the Aeneid.

From Augustus on page 220: "Its here in the Trojan prince, Aeneas; the poem tells the story of his escape from the sack of Troy and his arrival at Latium, where he rules over a kingdom this is the precursor of Rome. At one point in the narrative, Aeneas visits the underworld, where he meets not only the great dead but also the shades of the unborn. He notices a good-looking but downcast youth, and asks who he is. The phantom of Aeneas' dead father tells him that it is the future Marcellus:"

Fate shall allow the earth one glimpse of this young man-

One glimpse, no more...Alas, poor youth! If only you could escape from your harsh fate!

Marcellus you shall be. Give me armfuls of lilies.

That I may scatter their shining blooms and shower these gifts

At least up the dear sould, all to no purpose though

Such kindness be.

The "Fate" line in the above poem should not be spaced that way- I don't know what happens -this has occured more than once. I will try to figure it out-please read the poem "as one" in other words. To continue with the quote from Augustus on page 220: "Virgil's style of recitation was "sweet and strangely seductive" when he reached the line "Tu Marcellus/eris," "Marcellus you shall be," Octavia is said to have fainted, and was revived only with some difficulty."

By far the most likely explanation of the death of Marcellus is that he was one of many Romans killed in the wave of the epidemic that swept the city. Rumors appeared that Livia had poisoned him because she wanted Tiberius to succeed Augustus. This wasn't a well-planned move If-it was true. For now Augustus arranged for his daughter, Julia, Marcellus' widow, to marry Agrippa. Octavia's daughter, Marcella, was the principle victim because of this dynastic plan, for she had to divorce Agrippa to allow her first cousin to be able to marry him. As Anthony Everitt points out in Augustus on page 221: "In the regime's innermost circles, no room was left for sentiment, and the Julian family's women were disposed of according to the political imperative of the hour. Apparently the princeps took the decision on the advice of Maecenas, who told him him, "You have mad him [Agrippa] so powerful that he must either become your son-in-law, or be killed."

Livia was never to live down her reputation as a murderous stepmother. As suggested before, this is probably completely untrue and unfair. In fairy tales, the ancient world already had the expectation that stepmothers were unkind. The Romans also had a very exaggerated fear of death by poisoning, and this undoubtedly added to the rumors against Livia. Poison panics often coincided with plagues. Food poisoning was also well documented in ancient Rome. Years after the death of Marcellus, a close friend of Augustus, Nonius Asprenas, gave a party after which one hundred and thirty people died! This was most like from food poisoning, but Asprenas was charged with murder and taken to court. However, he was acquitted after Augustus showed his support for him. Livia had to bear the vicious gossip and slanders in silence.

Thanks again to Jon, human being and anyone who has ever commented on this blog or follows it! I hope to post again here fairly soon-it feels like I am starting to get a cold/flu -so hopefully I can fight this. The image is a painting (and damn me -I wrote down the painter-and timeframe it was painted in-but of course can't find it-does anybody know? If I can find it I will come back and give credit-when will I learn?) The painting is an artist's rendering of Octavia fainting at Virgil's poetry reading at the mention of her son's (Marcellus) name. All the best to anyone stopping by!

Augustus Ascendant Part 7

There was two ways he decided to deal with this using his unusually canny political insight. Augustus had been awarded tribunicia sacrosanctitas, or the protection from physical violence given to a tribune of the people for some years. Augustus decided that he would now appropriate tribunicia potestas in perpetutity. In other words, he would have the powers and protection of a tribune without actually holding the office. These powers were great. Tribunes attended meetings of the Senate and were entitled to introduce laws for approval by the people. In addition a tribune could veto any officeholder's decisions, including those of their fellow tribunes.

For the second way that Augustus decided to make sure he had a firm grip on his imperium, I will quote from Augustus on page 217: Augustus recognized that tribunicia potestas, together with his enormous provincia, gave him almost all the authority he needed to govern without hindrance. He dated his "reign" from when it was awarded, on July 1 23 B.C., and added the potestas to his long list of titles. However, a couple of gaps needed to be filled. Proconsuls, or provincial governors, lost their imperium when they crossed the pomerium-the sacred boundary of Rome-and entered the city. That would mean that when he was in the city the princeps would only have the status of a private citizen. Thanks to his prestige, or auctoritas, his wishes would usually be obeyed, but on occasion there might be some awkwardness. So the Senate voted that Augustus' proconsular imperium should not lapse when he was inside the city walls.

The Marcus Primus debacle had put Augustus in an embarrassing position. In theory, he had absolutely no right to interfere with the governors of senatorial provinces. Now this would also be changed. Augustus was given a general and overriding proconsular authority-imperium maius "greater power." This gave him the right to intervene in any area of the empire at any time. Augustus was a savvy enough politician to excercise this power with caution-once again trying to make it appear that the tradition of a Roman governor holding sway during his term of office still held true.

The reforms of 23 BC cemented Augustus' power-but Agrippa was the man who really hit the jackpot during this period. Agrippa was already considered indispensable and was given imperium proconsulare. This act probably gave him greater power to deal with things as he saw fit in the eastern provinces, which is where Augustus sent him in the autumn of 23 BC. Effectively, Agrippa was now the empire's co-regent.

There isn't enough information left to us to be completely positive, but the rise of Agrippa during this time might have been engineered by the ruling class to check Augustus' power. Perhaps they let him know that he was not to consider the state as his personal property. At the same time-if this is indeed what occurred-Agrippa's ever greater importance insured that a smooth transition of power would take place if Augustus were once again to contract a possibly fatal illness.

Going again to Augustus on page 218: It has even been speculated in modern times that what had taken place was a "secret coup d' etat" in which Agrippa and Livia joined forces. There is hardly anything to back this up-except that Tiberius, Livia's eldest son, was betrothed, perhaps already married, to Agrippa's daughter, Vipsania. This could be interpreted as a sign that the two most important people in Augustus' life felt the need to jointly protect themselves against the dynastically domineering princeps. It also appears that Octavia and Livia did not get on, and that the latter was irritated by the former's promotion of Marcellus. Equally, though, Augustus and his canny wife could have seen the value of neutralizing the prickly Agrippa by making him a member of the family.

However, there are yet other views that Agrippa's departure to the east was a sort of exile-either self-imposed or ordered by Augustus, because Agrippa was offended by Augustus' preferential treatment of Marcellus or that Augustus ordered him away because he realized Marcellus was jealous of the delivery of the seal to Agrippa.

On page 219 of Augustus: It is not necessary to see these two accounts-co-regency and "exile" -as mutually exclusive. Augustus and Agrippa were grown-up politicians. Both of them (and perhaps especially the latter) held a somber commitment to the public interest, not to mention the advantage of their governing party (which they saw as much the same thing). It is possible that they agreed not only about Agrippa's promotion, but also on the desirability of a tactful withdrawal to allow Marcellus to emerge onto the public stage without Agrippa's overshadowing prescence.

I had wanted to post just a bit more in this article tonight-but fatigue and massive typos are telling me to stop now! Thanks again to Jon, human being and anyone else who has commented here or follows this blog! Hopefully this massive fatigue is just a phase that will pass. All the best to anyone stopping by!

Augustus Ascendant Part 6

Marcellus was off and running in his pre-planned destiny right after this happened. The Senate voted special honors for him; he was given the senior ranking of praetor for special occasions. He also got permission to stand for the consulship ten whole years before the (already reduced age by Augustus) of thirty-seven! Marcellus was also counted as a former quaestor (the most junior elective post) without ever serving as one. Practically, this meant that he would be able to serve as an aedile in 23 BC. This post was very important in regards to the future that was being planned for him, in that he would have a chance to impress the average citizen of Rome because he would be in charge of the city's public entertainment for the year. By this time in Roman history, the citizens expected the most grandiose displays imaginable. The more stunning the performances, the more they showed their gratitude at the ballot box, so Augustus supplied his nephew with an unparalled budget to work with.

Augustus had been absent from Rome for three years when he came back in 24 BC. Upon arriving home, he was still in weak physical condition and not at all sure he would live. Augustus had an almost immediate disappointment in regards to the political settlement he thought he had brought to Rome. Here again from Anthony Everitt's Augustus on page 214 is what happened: "In late 24 or early 23 B.C., Marcus Primus, the governor of Macedonia, one of the Senate's provinces, was taken to court for having gone to war without permission with a friendly Thracian tribe. It was a serious offense for a proconsul to take an army outside his province."

"Among Primus' defenders was one of the consuls for 23 B.C., Aulus Terentius Varro Murena, a trusted and senior follower of the princeps. He was Maecenas' brother-in-law, and the poets Virgil and Horace were his friends (he had lent the party of poets his house at the resort of Formiae on their journey from Rome to Brundisium in 39 B.C.). He seems to have been a dashing, impatient sort of fellow and Horace took it upon himself to offer an ode of advice."

The loftiest pines, when the wind blows,

Are shaken hardest; tall towers drop

With the worst crash...

"Primus' defense was that he had been ordered to launch a campaign by both the princeps and Marcellus. This was most embarrassing, for in theory Augustus only held authority in his own provincia. Of his own accord he attended the court where the trial was being held. The praetor, or presiding judge, asked him if he had given the man orders to make war and he replied that he had not."

The consul and defender of Primus-Murena, then made some disparaging remarks towards Augustus, and asked him: "What are you doing here, and who asked you to come?" "The public interest," was Augustus' only reply. Primus was found guilty (to no one's surprise) and most likely sent into exile. What must be noted here is that most observers of the situation probably did indeed think it improbable that he would have claimed to have carried out orders "from above" so to speak-unless this is what really happened. This incident showed clearly that the res publica restituta, the "restored Republic," was simply propaganda.

Again I would like to go to Augustus on page 215 for what happened next: "The Primus affair led to the formation of a little-understood conspiracy against Augustus. The leader was a young republican called Fannius Caepio. Apparently, the consul Murena was implicated, although Dio thought the charge might be false, "since he was notoriously rough-tongued and headstrong in his manner of address towards all alike." The plot was uncovered and the accused men condemned to death in abstentia. In constitutional theory, the execution of a serving consul was a contradiction in terms, for the Republic's chief executive had supreme authority; if he broke the law, charges could only be brought against him after his term of office had expired. Once again, the libertarian pretensions of the regime were exposed."

"What the aims of the plotters were and how they were revealed cannot be recovered. Perhaps there was no conspiracy at all-or, rather, the princeps organized a setup. But why? We cannot tell. If it was a serious attempt to overthrow the new order, it was evidence that the settlement of 27 B.C. was not working."

There is an interesting aside to the story of the Caepio conspiracy that certainly seems to lend credence to the notion that there was indeed a conspiracy. Maecenas told his wife Terentia about the affair-a state secret. Well Murena just happened to be Terentia's brother! Apparently she did the sisterly thing and told her brother he was in trouble. In a short time, Augustus found out about what I am sure a fellow like him would have considered a betrayal. However, betrayal or not, Maecenas and Augustus' relationship was not destroyed completely--but Maecenas was kicked out of the inner circle of people around Augustus.

Marcellus in his new job as aedile was a huge success at staging Rome's games in 23 BC, but all wasn't well during this year. Rome was hit by some unknown plague-it could have been smallpox, bubonic plague, typhoid or Scarlet fever. These types of plagues and epidemics were fairly frequent happenings in a crowded and dirty city such as Rome. Augustus once again became ill and this time his prognosis looked very bad indeed. At this time had someone told him he would live another thirty-seven years, he probably would have laughed in their face. Thinking he was at death's door he realized he had to act very quickly if there were to be any hope of saving the regime and his plans for Rome. From Augustus on page 216: "He gathered around his bedside the officers of state and leading senators and equites. He spoke to them on matters of public policy and handed his fellow consul, Gnaeus Calpurnius Piso, the breviarium imperii, a book that recorded the empire's financial and military resources. "

"Many were expecting the princeps to bequeath his authority to Marcellus, whom he had only too evidently been grooming. But this had been a long-term plan, and the boy was too young and inexperienced to hold supreme power now. Agrippa would have little trouble deposing him once Augustus was dead. Bowing to this reality, the dying man handed Agrippa the symbol of his authority: his signet ring bearing the head of Alexander the Great."

However to everyone's astonishment-least of all his own perhaps-Augustus recovered. His physician, Antonius Musa, had spun the medical treatment at the time for a man with Augustus' symptoms a perfect 180 degrees. Musa stopped using all of the heat related treatments he had been using on Augustus when it was apparent they weren't working and switched to a regimen of cold baths and potions. This radical change of treatment worked. Anthony Everitt in Augustus points out that the malady afflicting Augustus and Rome at large that year-to a devastating degree may have been typhoid fever as cold packs were a well-known treatment for the disease even into the early 20th century.

Augustus was aware that his plans for dynastic succession were unpopular. He even brought his will to the Senate to read aloud to prove that he had no such plans. But the Senate refused to let him do this as a show of confidence in his leadership. But he knew the political settlement of 27 BC would need to be amended. He resigned as consul on the first of July and proclaimed he would no longer be a candidate for this office. This was a smart move and showed to the Senate and People of Rome 3 things: 1). That he didn't intend to emulate Julius Caesar by keeping a permanent hold on any office. 2). The office of consul used up a great deal of time on routine and ceremonial matters. 3). By not continuing to hold the office, he was letting other members of the ruling class attain it, once again making them feel like they had a real say in Roman politics. However, now Augustus needed to come up with a way to make up for this lost power. He knew he was walking a tightrope between constitutional improprieties that the ruling class might not stand for-and also that he must be careful to not give up any powers that would make him vulnerable.

The image is a beautiful example of a gold coin showing Augustus as Caesar. Once again I appreciate very much anyone commenting or following this blog! I hope to post again here pretty soon. All the best to anyone stopping by!

Augustus Ascendant Part 5

Augustus was an extremely adroit politician and his new regime was a great coup that had wide support. He was careful not to push his luck too far and tactfully left Rome for almost three years to give the new constitutional arrangements time to take hold without seeming forced. Augustus continued to be elected consul, but left administration to hsi consular colleagues, among them the essential Agrippa.

During this time, Augustus' huge new province needed some looking after. Gaul had fallen into disarray during Rome's civil wars and Augustus brought it firmly back under control. Once he established order and conducted a census, he went to Spain. Spain presented a much harder egg to crack. The native tribes in the northern of the two Spanish provinces had never been completely conquered.

The Astures (whence the modern Asturias) and the Cantabri (in the region of modern Bilbao and Santander) tribes in particular were putting up an effective resistance. Augustus led the campaign against them, but this time without the help of Agrippa's indispensable generalship. These tribes employed guerilla tactics. They would strike out from their mountain hideouts and smartly avoid the full-scale battle for which the legion was designed. The Romans-who of course were superb soldiers-just weren't well adjusted to this style of fighting. They would march in a given direction and find themselves confronted with an enemy hidden in valleys and woods and would fall prey to ambushes.

Augustus was superstitious, and was a huge believer in omens. He had a piece of sealskin he used as an amulet for protection from thunder and lightning, which he was afraid of. The amulet proved its worth and confirmed his superstitious nature during the Spanish campaign. A flash of lightning struck so close that it scorched his litter and killed a slave who was walking ahead lighting the way with a torch. In gratitude for his survival in this close scrape with the grim reaper, he built the Temple of Jupiter Tonans (the Thunderer) on the edge of the Capitol overlooking the Forum. This temple was famous for its splendor and the famous works of art in it. Augustus--very pious in his own way-would visit this temple often in the years to come.

Augustus again became sick as he so often did when involved in a crisis-especially a military one. Augustus went to the Pyrenees and convalesced in Tarraco (modern Tarragona). During this period of illness, which lasted for about a year, Augustus wrote an autobiography, which he dedicated to Maecenas and Agrippa. No ancient sources tell us what Augustus was ill from, although Dio does say it was caused "from the fatigue and anxiety caused by these conditions." Most unfortunately, this autobiography has been lost to history. Augustus' deputy quickly brought the conflict in northern Spain to an end, which victory was credited to the military genius of Augustus--of course!

On page 213 of Anthony Everitt's Augustus: "During the late Republic, the wives of senior Roman officials did not travel abroad with their husbands. Augustus himself ruled that the legates he appointed to the provinces at his disposal should not spend time with their wives or, if they insisted on doing so, then only outside the campaigning season (generally March to October)."

"However, we have it on good authority that Livia accompanied her husband on his travels to west and east. She was probably with him in Gaul and Spain, although she will have stayed safely in the rear when Augustus was with the army, and tended him when he was ill."

Livia was an able businesswoman and over the years accumulated numerous properties and estates across the empire. Her tours around the Meditteranean as Rome's first lady allowed her to inspect her acquisitions and check that they were being well managed. In Gaul she owned land with a copper mine. Her property portfolio also included palm groves in Judea and estates in Egypt, including papyrus marshes, arable farms, vineyards, commercial vegetable gardens, granaries, and olive and wine presses."

As mentioned before, Augustus' wavering health may have been the reason he made the first major move to arrange a dyanstic succession in 25 BC (when he was only 38). He had his daughter and only child, Julia, by his second wife Scribonia, married off to his nephew, Marcellus. Julia was fourteen and Marcellus twenty. Augustus was in Spain at the time so Agrippa presided over the wedding. It would have been so interesting had Agrippa been the sort of fellow to leave his thoughts about this obvious monarchial type succession plan to history, but as Anthony Everitt states in Augustus: "...what he thought of the young man's promotion is unknown, for he kept his own counsel."

The image is of what remains of the Theater of Marcellus at nighttime. More about this theater will be explained in a later post. I may have time to do one more post today-not sure. Thanks again so very much to Jon, human being and anyone else commenting or following this blog!

Augustus Ascendant Part 3

From Anthony Everitt's Augustus on page 206: "The end of the civil wars brought a substantial peace dividend. A grand total of sixty legions under arms in 31 B.C. was reduced to the minimum necessary to guard the empire from external invasion. Octavian set the number at twenty-eight legions, or about 150,000 men, all of whom were Roman citizens. These ere brigaded with about the same number of auxiliary troops, noncitizens recruited from the less Romanized and less military secure provinces (for example, Gaul and northern Africa). These auxiliaries often served near or in their homelands-a sensible policy, for it gave the provinces an active role in their own defense."

The army had a permanent prescence in the areas where it was most needed: along the frontiers in the east and northern Africa, Spain, northeast Gaul, and the Balkans. These reserves were sufficient, however, there weren't any men to send to areas where any conflict might occur. During his short life to this point, Octavian had learned a great deal about public finance, and to reduce public spending it seems he was willing to take a gamble on a just-adequate military.

Then he looked into civilian matters. Suetonius believes that Octavian pondered deeply about restoring the Republic after Actium. However, this flies in the face of everything we know about his sure and steady climb to absolute power. Dio thought that a debate was held where Arippa argued for a republican constitution, and Maecenas spoke of the benefits of a monarchy. This debate probably never happened, but Octavian did manage to cleverly mesh these two opposing principles. As always, Octavian took his time to decide how to go about this-three years in this case.

Octavian and Agrippa held the consulships together in 28 BC-this was Octavian's sixth time as consul. The pair annulled all of the acts of the triumvirs and promised that there would never be a return to the civil bloodbaths of the past. The consuls also assumed censoria potestas, the power of censors. The censors had been two senior and very trusted officials elected every five years. They had three major tasks: first to hold a lustrum or general ritual purification of the people; second to perform a census of Roman citizensl third to supervise the conduct of citizens-especially members of the Senate.

Going back to Anthony Everitt's Augustus on page 207: "The census held by Octavian and Agrippa revealed that there were 4,063,000 citizens (we do not know whether the number included women and children). A more ticklish job was to identify and weed out senatorial undesirables. The number of senators was reduced from one thousand to a somewhat more manageable eight hundred. As Suetonius records, this was a highly unpopular procedure. At the meeting when the outcome of the review of the Senate was announced, Octavian is said to have worn a sword and steel corselet beneath his tunic. Senators were allowed to approach only after their togas were searched."

The new regime still wasn't ready to put the ship of state on a long-term course. However, an incident occurred shortly after this involving Marcus Licinius Crassus, the grandson of Julius Caesar's onetime colleague, that showed the rules of the new political order should be put in effect sooner rather than later.

Marcus had returned to Rome after a very successful campaign on the Macedonian frontier. He wanted not only a triumph but also a spolia opima. This very esteemed honor was granted to a general who had killed the enemy commander with his own hands and took his armor, the spolia opima or splendid spoils. This was done by only two other men in the history of the state before Crassus.

The problem was that absolute control of the legions was essential to Octavian's hold on power, and he didn't feel he could allow an independent man to gain such a high military reputation. A technicality was cited to prevent Crassus from dedicating the armor of his defeated opponent in the tiny Temple of Jupiter Feretrius on the Capitol, but he was allowed his triumph. Afterwards, though, history tells us nothing about him, so we are left to wonder if his iverreaching-at least in the eyes of the new regime brought his military career to an early end.

Finally in 27 BC, Octavian, aged thirty-six, was ready to unveil his constitutional blueprint. On 1 January he began his seventh consulship with Agrippa once again as his colleague. From Augustus on page 208: "On the Ides (the thirteenth of the month) he made a most extraordinary speech to the Senate-perhaps the most important speech of his life. Dio gave him words that cannot have been very far from those he actually uttered: I lay down my office in its entirety and return to you all authority absolutely-authority over the army, the laws and the provinces-not only those territories which you entrusted to me, but those which I later secured for you.

"For most of Octavian's listeners, the statement came as a shock. No one knew exactly how to react, and his cautious audience either believed him or pretended to. While he was speaking, senators broke in with shouts and interjections."

After Octavian sat down, the protests continued. He made a great display of reluctance, but allowed himself to be "argued" into accepting a very large "province" for ten years. This so-called province consisted of Gaul, Spain and Syria. Octavian would have proconsular authority over these lands: he would be able to appoint legates, or choose deputies to rule them in his stead while he remained consul at Rome. All the other provinces of the empire would come under direct senatorial management the same as before: the Senate would appoint former consuls and praetors to govern them.

The Senate certainly wasn't lax in showing its gratitude towards Octavian for this. The doorposts of his house were adorned with laurel and the lintel with oak leaves for rescuing Roman citizens from death. Octavian would later boastfully recall how a golden shield was put in the Senate House, "in recognition of my valor, my clemency, my justice and my piety."

Then there was the most glorious honor bestowed upon him-a change of name. One idea was to call Octavian by the name of Rome's original founder-Romulus. However, Romulus had made himself a king, and even worse-one tale had him murdered by angry senators-the same fate Octavian's first patron met! A much better idea was to call him Augustus, meaning "Revered One." Thus it was agreed and Octavian's official name was now Imperator Ceasar Augustus. A more modest title was adopted for casual use: princeps, "first citizen." These new names ushered in a new political era for Rome and a makeover for Octavian-the formerly bloodsoaked triumvir was now Augustus, the law-abiding princeps.

These acts of largely political theater were acted out primarily to assure the Senate that he was not leading Rome down the same path as his adoptive father-an autocracy-or even something similar to a Hellenistic monarchy. Octavian-now Augustus believed-and perhaps he was on the money with this thought-that if enough senators felt he was following in Julius Caesar's footsteps he would be the star of his own Ides of March.

Augustus also had to keep the ruling class happy so they would apply their skills to the arduous task of the day-to-day running of the empire. From Augustus on page 208: "The Senate was not quite the body it had been. New men from the Italian countryside had filled many gaps left the the old governing families that had been weakened in the civil wars or had lost their money and estates. Many came from regions that had received citizenship as little as fifty years before. Theirs was an Italian rather than a Roman identity. Even more controverially, leading men from southern Gaul and Spain, provinces that had long since adopted the Roman language and culture, were recruited as senators. All these arrivestes saw their fate as inextricably linked to the new regime. So did a good number of impoverished aristocrats, for the astute Augustus took good care to fund them generously and thereby constrain their freedom to oppose him. He bound other noble clans to him by arranging marriages with his relatives."

However much power Augustus managed to accrue, members of the Senate still felt a deep patriotic belief in Rome's constitution, and would never accept one-man rule. These men presumed the Roman empire and its rule and administration to remain a collective undertaking-even if it were led by one man.

In the end Augustus didn't really give back any real power to the Senate and the people of Rome, and in the final analysis he owed his preeminent position to the army. To a lesser extent he also owed his newly minted position to the people, who could be relied on to reelect him to the position of consul as many times as he wished.

This will probably be the last article on this blog for this year. I hope to do much more here next year. Thanks again to Jon and anyone else who reads or follows this blog for your fantastic thoughts and comments! I hope you all have a beautiful and joyous 2010!

Augustus Ascendant Part 2

Octavian was now the undisputed master of Rome-he just downplayed a role so many others would have and did play up. Perhaps the more keen-eyed observers would have noticed the prescence of two teenagers, riding on his chariot's right and left trace horses during his triumph. These were the sons' of the two closest women in his life. Gaius Claudius Marcellus was his sister Octavia's 14-year-old son and the other young man was Tiberius Claudius Nero, his wife Livia's 13-year-old eldest son.

Octavia, who appears to have been a very loving and giving person anyway-loved her son "cheerful in mind and disposition" deeply. Octavian's interest in the youth certainly echoed Julius Caesar's interest in his years earlier as he was also a handsome and intelligent boy. Tiberius was no slouch in many areas either, but he had to play second fiddle in Octavian's plans because he was not related by blood-being Livia's son by her first husband.

Octavian was not only in complete control of the Roman empire-but was already starting to think about the long-term survival of his regime and his dynasty! Part of this planning and scheming was not just because it was Octavian's intelligence and nature to be this way-but due to his always unsteady health it was not too early to think of succession plans. If Octavian's nephew lived up to his promise, Octavian couldn't ask for a more suitable heir-and would keep control of the empire "in the family" at the same time.

Here is a quote from Anthony Everitt's Augustus on page 204 that explains more: "There was another thing: Octavian liked and trusted youth. He and his "band of brothers," his two trusted former school friends, Agrippa and Maecenas, had set out together on their great enterprise to avenge Caesar's murder and win power in their late teens. The challenges they faced called forth their talent; now Octavian was looking forward to promoting the new younger generation that was about to emerge. Perhaps as early as 29 B.C., he arranged for the minimum age of officeholders to be reduced: in the case of a quaestor, from thirty years to twenty-five, of a consul, from forty-two to thirty-seven. Senators' sons were expected to familiarize themselves with administration; they were allowed to wear the purple-striped toga, which was the uniform of a senator, encouraged to attend Senate meetings, and given officer posts during their military service."

It wasn't for lack of trying that Octavian and Livia didn't produce an heir of their own. They had each had children by former spouses, and some sources from the classical era put it down to physical incompatibility, but it is more likely that a physical illness led one or the other to become infertile. The boys were still too young to help govern the new regime. Octavian's childhood friends, Agrippa and Maecenas still had huge responsibilities in this area.

Agrippa had been described as "more of a rustic at heart than a man of refined tastes." However, here it must certainly be stated that Agrippa admired fine art and even argued that all paintings and sculptures should be nationalized rather than be viewed by a chosen few in private collections! Not only that, but Agrippa collected art himself and spent the incredible sum of 1.2 million sesterces on two paintings-one of them featured the Greek hero Ajax and the other Aphrodite. A man who practiced what he preached, Agrippa had these paintings put in public baths he built.

Greatly dissimilar to Agrippa it was said Maecenas could almost "outdo a woman in giving himself up to indolence and soft luxury." He was very taken with silks and jewels. Maecenas was also an epicure and made popular a new delicacy-the flesh of young donkeys-to Rome's upscale dining tables. He was supposedly the first man to have a heated swimming pool in Rome. Interesting also, is the fact that he was married to the gorgeous but conceited Terentia. The couple was forever fighting, but Maecenas remained in love with her and would always seek reconciliation. Apparently Terentia caught Octavian's eye and eventually had an affair with him. This doesn't seem to have set relations back between the two men and Maecenas was hardly monogamous himself-although he certainly never tried to seduce Livia! Although one of his affairs was with a freedman and friend of Octavian, a famous actor, Bathyllus.

It would seem from every possible historical source that Octavian only slept with women, but he didn't take the slightest offense to the various sexual habits among members of his inner circle. It would seem that Maecenas didn't take any offense at Octavian's making fun of his effulgent style of writing either. Macrobius, a writer of the fifth century A.D., quotes on example: "Goodbye, my ebony of Medullia, ivory from Etruria, silphium from Arretium, diamond of the Adriatic, pearl from the Tiber, Cilnian emerald, jasper of the Iquvians, Pesenna's beryl, Italy's carbuncle-in short, you charmer of unfaithful wives."

Howver crazy his private life, Maecenas was amazing during times of crisis-showing tireless energy and unwavering skill at giving superb political advice. What was even better for both Octavian and the regime in many ways is that he didn't seek public office and honors, preferring to remain in the background. Maecenas did champion the greatest poets of the age also, and made sure that rare talents like Virgil and Horace were able to publish their works without censorship and stayed in favor with the new order.

Agrippa, for his part detested Maecenas' effeminate and luxurious manners. Agrippa was a very non-cynical, direct and loyal man in an era when men of unquestioned loyalty were sometimes hard to find. Without Agrippa's excellent generalship it is doubtful-impossible maybe that Octavian could possibly have got as far as he got. He received the corona rostrata for his role in the Naulochus campaign. Without Agrippa, the war against Sextus Pompeius would have been lost and he was also the strategist behind the victory at Actium. For Actium, Agrippa got the right to display an azure banner. Also of more fiscal value, Agrippa had the freehold country estates in Egypt. Agrippa was so trusted (as well he should have been), he was for all practical purposes Octavian's deput-almost his equal even, but always in Octavian's somehow larger shadow.

A historian that lived close to Agrippa's time says Agrippa "was...well-disciplined to obedience, but to one man only, yet eager to command others, in whatever he did he never admitted the possibility of delay. With him an idea was implemented as soon as it was thought of." The image portrayals left to us by history of Agrippa show a man with very stern and determined features. He definitely even looks like a man whose anger was to be feared-possibly even by his friend and master?

Agrippa did have official posts unlike the "unofficial" minister of culture-Maecenas-in a post that didn't exist. Agrippa was as unpurusing of the adornments of authority as Maecenas was, although for a completely different reason. Maecenas simply didn't care to hold the actual reigns of power (being satisfied with influence), Agrippa cared for it with great zest-but only for its reality.

There are no historical records of Agrippa's private opinions on political matters. However, as Anthony Everitt states in Augustus: "...we may surmise that he watched Octavian's growing affection for Marcellus with unease. As the young man grew up, Agrippa could well find an inexperienced heir interfering in his freedom of action, interposing himself between him and Octavian. That would not do."

The information for this post came from pages 203 to 206 in Anthony Everitt's Augustus. I really enjoyed this whole bit written here-and believe there is much more to come. I intentionally didn't "condense" information from this part as I found it so interesting. This is everything I have ready to go and I wanted to post it this evening in case I am offline (or not online much) for the next few days. I hope to post again soon-but am not promising anything -on anything I do as I have been struggling with health stuff more than usual-now it seems an overwhelming sense of exhaustion has taken hold of me along with everything else! Thanks again Jon and others for the great comments! I hope anyone stopping by has a beautiful Christmas (and if you don't celebrate Christmas a beautiful holiday season)-and a wonderful and joyous 2010!

Augustus Ascendant Part 1

The new regime not only needed to redefine the past in the most glorious way possible, but it was also very important to establish Octavian as the natural ruler of Rome. They had to develop a cult of personality and an inconography of power. There was two ways this would be done. First, Octavian designated the complex of houses on Rome's Palatine Hill, where he and Livia lived as an emblem of his authority. A ramp connected them to a temple of Apollo, which was a major part of the complex. Octavian had vowed to build the temple during the wars against Sextus Pompeius, but its construction only got under way after Actium and was dedicated in 28 BC.

These days almost nothing remains of it, but the Apollo temple must have been a beautiful sight in its day. The doors were gilded and inlaid with ivory, and its walls were of solid shining-white marble (the walls of Roman temples were usually of brick and concrete with marble cladding). A chariot of the sun stood on top of the roof of the temple and it was surrounded by or connected to a portico of giallo antico, a speckled yellow marble from quarries in Numidia.

Octavian had more in mind for the temple than religious purposes. From his stay in Alexandria, and combining a plan he had had before Julius Caesar's assassination, Octavian put two public libraries there-one for books in Greek and the others for those in Latin. Medallian portraits of famous writers were placed on the walls. Here authors have public readings and the chief librarian, a polymath named Gaius Julius Hyginus, taught classes.

The Sibylline Books-mentioned much earlier on this blog also-were taken from their traditional home in the cellars of the Temple of Jupiter and stored under a gigantic statue of Apollo that stood in front of the new temple. As mentioned earlier, these books were a very highly valued collection of prophecies written in Greek hexameters. These books were consulted during times of crisis for Rome, not to learn the future but to find ways to placate the wrath of the gods. These precious books and their prescence so near Octavian's house was a very big sign of his unique role in the state.

Octavian's image also got a huge facelift. The goal was to give him an aura of divinity or at the very least a semidivine, heroic status. Tales were intentionally circulated about his miraculous childhood and of the prophecies that had foretold of his current greatness. Dio had preserved a false sounding story that is very similar to one told about Alexander the Great's mother and was probably put forth to encourage a direct comparison: When Julius Caesar decided to make Octavian his heir he was influenced by "Atia's [his mother's] emphatic declaration that the youth had been engendered by Apollo: for while sleeping in his temple, she said, she thought she had intercourse with a serpent, and it was this that caused her at the end of her pregnancy to bear a son."

There were more tales of prophecies along these lines. They were all probably made up and one of them had to have been false. This was a story that Quintus Lutatius Catulus saw a god throw what looked like a figurine of Rome in the form of a goddess into the lap of Octavian's toga as he led a procession to the temple of Jupiter. Catulus died before Octavian's fourth birthday-so obviously he was a bit young to be leading a procession to the temple of Jupiter that Catulus could possibly have seen! There was a method to these stories. The three men who supposedly told the most major of the prophecies-Nigidius, Cicero, and Catulus were all dead so they couldn't be asked about the veracity of them. More importantly, these men had all been distinguished republicans, who had opposed Julius Caesar. So the supposed prophecies of Octavian's greatness by them gave his regime founded on violence and illegality, a sheen of respectable Roman republicanism.

August of 29 BC saw Octavian celebrating three magnificent triumphs. One was over Dalmatia, where he had campaigned successfully in 35 and 34 BC; over Cleopatra (meaning Actium), and over Egypt (meaning the capture of Alexandria). If there were any doubts of Octavian's political dominance they would have been stamped out after witnessing these triumphs.

Within days of these, the Senate House opened for debate with a name change from Curia Hostilia to Curia Julia. A new speakers' platform had been built adorned with rostra, ships' prows, from Actium, and the temple to the now deified dictator, built on the spot in the Forum where he had been cremated on his quickly rigged-up pyre, was dedicated.

Here too-a change began in relation to the aforementioned dictator. Octavian had once been proud to call himself divus filius, because it established his power and authority in the eyes of his adoptive father's devoted soldiers and ordinary citizens. However, since the Sicilian War Octavian had not used the title so much and now, from this apogee of celebration and triumph, his propaganda starts to make even less noise about Julius Caesar that in past times. The reason was that Caesar had been a radical, who had crossed the Rubicon and liquidated old Rome. This was completely in opposition to the traditions and values that the new regime wanted to associate itself with-tradition rather than innovation. Of course the idea of the Republic being restored under Octavian and his "traditonal" values was nothing more than lip service and window dressing.

This took longer to correct and "edit" than I thought it would. I had some saved to drafts which helped a bunch-but my back and pain meds are slowing me down as usual. If possible, I would like to take a break and post a bit more tonight-can't promise anything-and even if I do it will be much shorter than this post. I am now in the mood of just getting all information I have posted and "here" instead of saving any for future posts-although for some reason not starting out "new" so to speak seems to help me for some reason. Thanks again so very much to Jon and anyone else who has commented on this blog. I think the information I am into now is so interesting and will try to keep this blog up as much as my health and other things allow. I hope everyone who stops by is having a beautiful holiday season so far! The image is of Emperor Hadrian's Tomb in Rome.

Intermezzo Part Two

Today's installment will determine if I can type with an angry cat after me! My cat has the run of the place-my heart-my home -everything-I just can't type with her in my lap-so she isn't very happy to be set down like just now!

Cleopatra still had plenty of money and her people were loyal to her. An army and a fleet were put together. To help the mood in Alexandria, a great ceremony-almost as magnificent as the Donations of Alexandria-was held, at which the sixteen-year-old King of Kings, Ptolemy XV Caesar (aka Caesarion), and Antony's son by Fulvia, the fourteen-year-old Antyllus, officially came of age.

Octavian received a succession of envoys from Alexandria. He listened to their proposals, but conceded nothing. Octavian didn't make his own stand clear, but it was obvious that he wanted to win the great and wonderfully wealthy prize of Egypt. Egypt had attracted the covetous gaze of powerful Romans for more than a century. Octavian wanted to win Egypt for himself, not just for the greater glory of Rome.

Octavian planned to use another pincer movement for the invasion. Four Antonian legions that had switched loyalties would invade from Cyrenaica-the land directly to the west of Egypt. In a show of favor, Octavian appointed the command of these men to the 30-year-old Gaius Cornelius Gallus, although he was only an eques and previously best known as a fine lyric poet. For once, the indispensable Agrippa was left back in Rome. This was because the Egyptian campaign was unlikely to cause problems that would require his strategic services. Octavian marched through Syria at the head of a large army towards the Egyptian frontier. Mark Antony was finally able to get out of his funk for a bit because he thought he could win his legions back if he went to Paretonium where Gallus had installed himself.

But poor Antony-his attempts to win back his legionaires and take the town failed. His ships were trapped in the harbor and burned or sunk. The remainder of Antony and Cleopatra's forces were stationed at Pelesium, a port on the easternmost edge of the Nile delta. It straddled the coastal route that edged the Sinai desert, and being the only way of entry by land into Egypt from the east, was strategically important.

Pharaohs throughout the millenia had always made sure it was well protected by a strong garrison. Pelesium fell with minimal resistance. It could have been quickly stormed without being able to put up much of a fight-or more intriguingly surrendered by Cleopatra. If this were the case, she was trying to break her ties to Mark Antony. Cleopatra's first loyalty had always been to her kingdom and maintaining her power-no matter what bonds were said to be forged in the 'societies' or 'orders' she and Antony created. This scenario and other accounts of her actions during this time could have been taken straight from Octavian's propaganda machine, which proclaimed the queen's eastern deviousness and Antony's embarrassing role as her dupe.

Octavian also seems to have encountered little or no defiance at Alexandria. He passed the upscale suburb of Canopus and set up a camp near the hippodrome, just outside the city walls. When Antony got news that Pelesium had fallen, he quickly made his way back to Alexandria and, on the outskirts of the city, took on an advance guard of enemy cavalry and wiped them out. Antony was ecstatic by this victory and returned to the palace and embraced Cleopatra while still in full armor. After that, he introduced her to a soldier who had displayed great bravery during the battle. As a reward, the queen gave him a golden helmet and breastplate. The soldier took them, and that night promptly deserted to Octavian.

Antony challenged his onetime fellow triumvir to single combat with hopeless bravado. Antony couldn't possibly have been anticipating an agreement and Octavian responded derisively: "There are many different ways by which Antony can die." On 31 July, Antony decided to launch an all-out attack by both land and sea the next day. At dinner that night he ate and drank heartily and told the people around him that he didn't expect to survive the battle. Supposedly this is what transpired later that evening: "about the hour of midnight, when all was hushed and a mood of dejection and fear of its impending fate brooded over the whole city, suddenly a marvellous sound of music was heard...as if a troop of revellers were leaving the city, shouting and singing as they went...Those who tried to discover a meaning for the prodigy concluded that the god Dionysus, with whom Antony claimed kinship and whom he sought above all to imitate was now abandoning him."

Indeed, gods in those days were often imagined to leave besieged cities before they fell, Troy, Athens and Jerusalem being some examples. However, if this story has a basis in fact, the Alexandrians could have been hearing Octavian, backed up by a soldiers' chorus, performing an evocatio, in this ceremony, a Roman general would call on the gods of an enemy city to change sides and go over to Rome. On 1 August, as dawn broke, Antony sent his fleet eastward to meet Octavian's ships, and he positioned his land forces on rising ground between the city walls and the hippodrome.

What happened next was a fiasco of mind-boggling proportions. It would have been a comedy for everyone except Antony and Cleopatra and those close to them. The ships raised their oars and surrendered without a fight; the fleets immediately combined and set a new course for Alexandria. The cavalry deserted and the foot soldiers made good on their "name" and used their feet to run away! Antony went into a rage when he got back inside the walls of Alexandria. He is reported to have shouted out that Cleopatra had indeed betrayed him (as some suggested earlier-I will talk more about this later-something just came to me involving this) to the enemies that he was fighting on her behalf. Terrified, she had a message sent that she was dead.

Now there was just one thing to do-go honorably the Roman way. Antony asked his body servant to run him through, but was failed again by "his" staff as the man turned on his own sword and committed suicide himself! Antony then stabbed himself in the stomach and lay on the bed. However, not only did the wound fail to kill him but soon stopped bleeding. He was still in pain and begged bystanders to put him out of his misery, but they too ran away from him.

Cleopatra heard what had happened and sent word for Antony to be brought to her. She was hiding in a large mausoleum she had commissioned, which stood-still only part finished in the palace grounds near a Temple of Isis-the goddess that Cleopatra claimed kinship with. Cleopatra was scared of any surprises and refused to unseal the doors, and she and two women servants painstakingly pulled the dying man with ropes up to a high window. Plutarch writes: "clinging with both hands to the rope and with the muscles of her face distorted by the strain." Cleopatra beat and scratched her breasts in the traditional manner of a grieving widow, and smeared her face with the blood from Antony's wound. Antony tried to calm her, and true to his reputation to the end called for and drank a cup of wine before dying.

My ever so brilliant deduction (joke:-) I just had-and maybe had the first glimmerings for several days ago when I wrote this-is this: By taking the dying Antony into her hiding place at the mausoleum -and it seems using quite a bit of stress to do it-haven't we exonerated-just maybe-the idea that Cleopatra had already turned her back on him and was even cooperating with the enemy? Or is it me-whose deductions are foolish? She may indeed have known how hopeless their cause was -even long before this as she was a very intelligent, learned woman. But as we shall see later (hopefully within a matter of days-I am trying to keep on top of this) she seemed to want to save her life later-as maybe her courage had left her by then. But with that in mind why do this with Antony now? Why not leave him out to die on his own? She had to have known that this would be used against her by Octavian I would think anyway.

I would love to hear anyone else's thoughts on this or anything else here on this blog. Thanks again so very much to Jon and others who have commented here and anyone reading or following this blog-I really appreciate hearing your thoughts and ideas! I hope to have the next part here soon and already have more written down, for some reason I have found it has helped me with this blog to stay several steps ahead. When I get everything I have posted it seems like such a large climb up the hill to get more done. I hope no one feels "gypped" no pun intended-by me doing it this way-especially as we are into such a fascinating timeframe-like I say I do intend to go as fast as I can barring problems with this blog for awhile. The image is a painting of Cleopatra by John William Waterhouse. The source used for this article was once again Anthony Everitt's excellent book Augustus, pages 189 to 191.