Augustus Ascendant Part 3

From Anthony Everitt's Augustus on page 206: "The end of the civil wars brought a substantial peace dividend. A grand total of sixty legions under arms in 31 B.C. was reduced to the minimum necessary to guard the empire from external invasion. Octavian set the number at twenty-eight legions, or about 150,000 men, all of whom were Roman citizens. These ere brigaded with about the same number of auxiliary troops, noncitizens recruited from the less Romanized and less military secure provinces (for example, Gaul and northern Africa). These auxiliaries often served near or in their homelands-a sensible policy, for it gave the provinces an active role in their own defense."

The army had a permanent prescence in the areas where it was most needed: along the frontiers in the east and northern Africa, Spain, northeast Gaul, and the Balkans. These reserves were sufficient, however, there weren't any men to send to areas where any conflict might occur. During his short life to this point, Octavian had learned a great deal about public finance, and to reduce public spending it seems he was willing to take a gamble on a just-adequate military.

Then he looked into civilian matters. Suetonius believes that Octavian pondered deeply about restoring the Republic after Actium. However, this flies in the face of everything we know about his sure and steady climb to absolute power. Dio thought that a debate was held where Arippa argued for a republican constitution, and Maecenas spoke of the benefits of a monarchy. This debate probably never happened, but Octavian did manage to cleverly mesh these two opposing principles. As always, Octavian took his time to decide how to go about this-three years in this case.

Octavian and Agrippa held the consulships together in 28 BC-this was Octavian's sixth time as consul. The pair annulled all of the acts of the triumvirs and promised that there would never be a return to the civil bloodbaths of the past. The consuls also assumed censoria potestas, the power of censors. The censors had been two senior and very trusted officials elected every five years. They had three major tasks: first to hold a lustrum or general ritual purification of the people; second to perform a census of Roman citizensl third to supervise the conduct of citizens-especially members of the Senate.

Going back to Anthony Everitt's Augustus on page 207: "The census held by Octavian and Agrippa revealed that there were 4,063,000 citizens (we do not know whether the number included women and children). A more ticklish job was to identify and weed out senatorial undesirables. The number of senators was reduced from one thousand to a somewhat more manageable eight hundred. As Suetonius records, this was a highly unpopular procedure. At the meeting when the outcome of the review of the Senate was announced, Octavian is said to have worn a sword and steel corselet beneath his tunic. Senators were allowed to approach only after their togas were searched."

The new regime still wasn't ready to put the ship of state on a long-term course. However, an incident occurred shortly after this involving Marcus Licinius Crassus, the grandson of Julius Caesar's onetime colleague, that showed the rules of the new political order should be put in effect sooner rather than later.

Marcus had returned to Rome after a very successful campaign on the Macedonian frontier. He wanted not only a triumph but also a spolia opima. This very esteemed honor was granted to a general who had killed the enemy commander with his own hands and took his armor, the spolia opima or splendid spoils. This was done by only two other men in the history of the state before Crassus.

The problem was that absolute control of the legions was essential to Octavian's hold on power, and he didn't feel he could allow an independent man to gain such a high military reputation. A technicality was cited to prevent Crassus from dedicating the armor of his defeated opponent in the tiny Temple of Jupiter Feretrius on the Capitol, but he was allowed his triumph. Afterwards, though, history tells us nothing about him, so we are left to wonder if his iverreaching-at least in the eyes of the new regime brought his military career to an early end.

Finally in 27 BC, Octavian, aged thirty-six, was ready to unveil his constitutional blueprint. On 1 January he began his seventh consulship with Agrippa once again as his colleague. From Augustus on page 208: "On the Ides (the thirteenth of the month) he made a most extraordinary speech to the Senate-perhaps the most important speech of his life. Dio gave him words that cannot have been very far from those he actually uttered: I lay down my office in its entirety and return to you all authority absolutely-authority over the army, the laws and the provinces-not only those territories which you entrusted to me, but those which I later secured for you.

"For most of Octavian's listeners, the statement came as a shock. No one knew exactly how to react, and his cautious audience either believed him or pretended to. While he was speaking, senators broke in with shouts and interjections."

After Octavian sat down, the protests continued. He made a great display of reluctance, but allowed himself to be "argued" into accepting a very large "province" for ten years. This so-called province consisted of Gaul, Spain and Syria. Octavian would have proconsular authority over these lands: he would be able to appoint legates, or choose deputies to rule them in his stead while he remained consul at Rome. All the other provinces of the empire would come under direct senatorial management the same as before: the Senate would appoint former consuls and praetors to govern them.

The Senate certainly wasn't lax in showing its gratitude towards Octavian for this. The doorposts of his house were adorned with laurel and the lintel with oak leaves for rescuing Roman citizens from death. Octavian would later boastfully recall how a golden shield was put in the Senate House, "in recognition of my valor, my clemency, my justice and my piety."

Then there was the most glorious honor bestowed upon him-a change of name. One idea was to call Octavian by the name of Rome's original founder-Romulus. However, Romulus had made himself a king, and even worse-one tale had him murdered by angry senators-the same fate Octavian's first patron met! A much better idea was to call him Augustus, meaning "Revered One." Thus it was agreed and Octavian's official name was now Imperator Ceasar Augustus. A more modest title was adopted for casual use: princeps, "first citizen." These new names ushered in a new political era for Rome and a makeover for Octavian-the formerly bloodsoaked triumvir was now Augustus, the law-abiding princeps.

These acts of largely political theater were acted out primarily to assure the Senate that he was not leading Rome down the same path as his adoptive father-an autocracy-or even something similar to a Hellenistic monarchy. Octavian-now Augustus believed-and perhaps he was on the money with this thought-that if enough senators felt he was following in Julius Caesar's footsteps he would be the star of his own Ides of March.

Augustus also had to keep the ruling class happy so they would apply their skills to the arduous task of the day-to-day running of the empire. From Augustus on page 208: "The Senate was not quite the body it had been. New men from the Italian countryside had filled many gaps left the the old governing families that had been weakened in the civil wars or had lost their money and estates. Many came from regions that had received citizenship as little as fifty years before. Theirs was an Italian rather than a Roman identity. Even more controverially, leading men from southern Gaul and Spain, provinces that had long since adopted the Roman language and culture, were recruited as senators. All these arrivestes saw their fate as inextricably linked to the new regime. So did a good number of impoverished aristocrats, for the astute Augustus took good care to fund them generously and thereby constrain their freedom to oppose him. He bound other noble clans to him by arranging marriages with his relatives."

However much power Augustus managed to accrue, members of the Senate still felt a deep patriotic belief in Rome's constitution, and would never accept one-man rule. These men presumed the Roman empire and its rule and administration to remain a collective undertaking-even if it were led by one man.

In the end Augustus didn't really give back any real power to the Senate and the people of Rome, and in the final analysis he owed his preeminent position to the army. To a lesser extent he also owed his newly minted position to the people, who could be relied on to reelect him to the position of consul as many times as he wished.

This will probably be the last article on this blog for this year. I hope to do much more here next year. Thanks again to Jon and anyone else who reads or follows this blog for your fantastic thoughts and comments! I hope you all have a beautiful and joyous 2010!

Augustus Ascendant Part 2

Octavian was now the undisputed master of Rome-he just downplayed a role so many others would have and did play up. Perhaps the more keen-eyed observers would have noticed the prescence of two teenagers, riding on his chariot's right and left trace horses during his triumph. These were the sons' of the two closest women in his life. Gaius Claudius Marcellus was his sister Octavia's 14-year-old son and the other young man was Tiberius Claudius Nero, his wife Livia's 13-year-old eldest son.

Octavia, who appears to have been a very loving and giving person anyway-loved her son "cheerful in mind and disposition" deeply. Octavian's interest in the youth certainly echoed Julius Caesar's interest in his years earlier as he was also a handsome and intelligent boy. Tiberius was no slouch in many areas either, but he had to play second fiddle in Octavian's plans because he was not related by blood-being Livia's son by her first husband.

Octavian was not only in complete control of the Roman empire-but was already starting to think about the long-term survival of his regime and his dynasty! Part of this planning and scheming was not just because it was Octavian's intelligence and nature to be this way-but due to his always unsteady health it was not too early to think of succession plans. If Octavian's nephew lived up to his promise, Octavian couldn't ask for a more suitable heir-and would keep control of the empire "in the family" at the same time.

Here is a quote from Anthony Everitt's Augustus on page 204 that explains more: "There was another thing: Octavian liked and trusted youth. He and his "band of brothers," his two trusted former school friends, Agrippa and Maecenas, had set out together on their great enterprise to avenge Caesar's murder and win power in their late teens. The challenges they faced called forth their talent; now Octavian was looking forward to promoting the new younger generation that was about to emerge. Perhaps as early as 29 B.C., he arranged for the minimum age of officeholders to be reduced: in the case of a quaestor, from thirty years to twenty-five, of a consul, from forty-two to thirty-seven. Senators' sons were expected to familiarize themselves with administration; they were allowed to wear the purple-striped toga, which was the uniform of a senator, encouraged to attend Senate meetings, and given officer posts during their military service."

It wasn't for lack of trying that Octavian and Livia didn't produce an heir of their own. They had each had children by former spouses, and some sources from the classical era put it down to physical incompatibility, but it is more likely that a physical illness led one or the other to become infertile. The boys were still too young to help govern the new regime. Octavian's childhood friends, Agrippa and Maecenas still had huge responsibilities in this area.

Agrippa had been described as "more of a rustic at heart than a man of refined tastes." However, here it must certainly be stated that Agrippa admired fine art and even argued that all paintings and sculptures should be nationalized rather than be viewed by a chosen few in private collections! Not only that, but Agrippa collected art himself and spent the incredible sum of 1.2 million sesterces on two paintings-one of them featured the Greek hero Ajax and the other Aphrodite. A man who practiced what he preached, Agrippa had these paintings put in public baths he built.

Greatly dissimilar to Agrippa it was said Maecenas could almost "outdo a woman in giving himself up to indolence and soft luxury." He was very taken with silks and jewels. Maecenas was also an epicure and made popular a new delicacy-the flesh of young donkeys-to Rome's upscale dining tables. He was supposedly the first man to have a heated swimming pool in Rome. Interesting also, is the fact that he was married to the gorgeous but conceited Terentia. The couple was forever fighting, but Maecenas remained in love with her and would always seek reconciliation. Apparently Terentia caught Octavian's eye and eventually had an affair with him. This doesn't seem to have set relations back between the two men and Maecenas was hardly monogamous himself-although he certainly never tried to seduce Livia! Although one of his affairs was with a freedman and friend of Octavian, a famous actor, Bathyllus.

It would seem from every possible historical source that Octavian only slept with women, but he didn't take the slightest offense to the various sexual habits among members of his inner circle. It would seem that Maecenas didn't take any offense at Octavian's making fun of his effulgent style of writing either. Macrobius, a writer of the fifth century A.D., quotes on example: "Goodbye, my ebony of Medullia, ivory from Etruria, silphium from Arretium, diamond of the Adriatic, pearl from the Tiber, Cilnian emerald, jasper of the Iquvians, Pesenna's beryl, Italy's carbuncle-in short, you charmer of unfaithful wives."

Howver crazy his private life, Maecenas was amazing during times of crisis-showing tireless energy and unwavering skill at giving superb political advice. What was even better for both Octavian and the regime in many ways is that he didn't seek public office and honors, preferring to remain in the background. Maecenas did champion the greatest poets of the age also, and made sure that rare talents like Virgil and Horace were able to publish their works without censorship and stayed in favor with the new order.

Agrippa, for his part detested Maecenas' effeminate and luxurious manners. Agrippa was a very non-cynical, direct and loyal man in an era when men of unquestioned loyalty were sometimes hard to find. Without Agrippa's excellent generalship it is doubtful-impossible maybe that Octavian could possibly have got as far as he got. He received the corona rostrata for his role in the Naulochus campaign. Without Agrippa, the war against Sextus Pompeius would have been lost and he was also the strategist behind the victory at Actium. For Actium, Agrippa got the right to display an azure banner. Also of more fiscal value, Agrippa had the freehold country estates in Egypt. Agrippa was so trusted (as well he should have been), he was for all practical purposes Octavian's deput-almost his equal even, but always in Octavian's somehow larger shadow.

A historian that lived close to Agrippa's time says Agrippa "was...well-disciplined to obedience, but to one man only, yet eager to command others, in whatever he did he never admitted the possibility of delay. With him an idea was implemented as soon as it was thought of." The image portrayals left to us by history of Agrippa show a man with very stern and determined features. He definitely even looks like a man whose anger was to be feared-possibly even by his friend and master?

Agrippa did have official posts unlike the "unofficial" minister of culture-Maecenas-in a post that didn't exist. Agrippa was as unpurusing of the adornments of authority as Maecenas was, although for a completely different reason. Maecenas simply didn't care to hold the actual reigns of power (being satisfied with influence), Agrippa cared for it with great zest-but only for its reality.

There are no historical records of Agrippa's private opinions on political matters. However, as Anthony Everitt states in Augustus: "...we may surmise that he watched Octavian's growing affection for Marcellus with unease. As the young man grew up, Agrippa could well find an inexperienced heir interfering in his freedom of action, interposing himself between him and Octavian. That would not do."

The information for this post came from pages 203 to 206 in Anthony Everitt's Augustus. I really enjoyed this whole bit written here-and believe there is much more to come. I intentionally didn't "condense" information from this part as I found it so interesting. This is everything I have ready to go and I wanted to post it this evening in case I am offline (or not online much) for the next few days. I hope to post again soon-but am not promising anything -on anything I do as I have been struggling with health stuff more than usual-now it seems an overwhelming sense of exhaustion has taken hold of me along with everything else! Thanks again Jon and others for the great comments! I hope anyone stopping by has a beautiful Christmas (and if you don't celebrate Christmas a beautiful holiday season)-and a wonderful and joyous 2010!

Augustus Ascendant Part 1

The new regime not only needed to redefine the past in the most glorious way possible, but it was also very important to establish Octavian as the natural ruler of Rome. They had to develop a cult of personality and an inconography of power. There was two ways this would be done. First, Octavian designated the complex of houses on Rome's Palatine Hill, where he and Livia lived as an emblem of his authority. A ramp connected them to a temple of Apollo, which was a major part of the complex. Octavian had vowed to build the temple during the wars against Sextus Pompeius, but its construction only got under way after Actium and was dedicated in 28 BC.

These days almost nothing remains of it, but the Apollo temple must have been a beautiful sight in its day. The doors were gilded and inlaid with ivory, and its walls were of solid shining-white marble (the walls of Roman temples were usually of brick and concrete with marble cladding). A chariot of the sun stood on top of the roof of the temple and it was surrounded by or connected to a portico of giallo antico, a speckled yellow marble from quarries in Numidia.

Octavian had more in mind for the temple than religious purposes. From his stay in Alexandria, and combining a plan he had had before Julius Caesar's assassination, Octavian put two public libraries there-one for books in Greek and the others for those in Latin. Medallian portraits of famous writers were placed on the walls. Here authors have public readings and the chief librarian, a polymath named Gaius Julius Hyginus, taught classes.

The Sibylline Books-mentioned much earlier on this blog also-were taken from their traditional home in the cellars of the Temple of Jupiter and stored under a gigantic statue of Apollo that stood in front of the new temple. As mentioned earlier, these books were a very highly valued collection of prophecies written in Greek hexameters. These books were consulted during times of crisis for Rome, not to learn the future but to find ways to placate the wrath of the gods. These precious books and their prescence so near Octavian's house was a very big sign of his unique role in the state.

Octavian's image also got a huge facelift. The goal was to give him an aura of divinity or at the very least a semidivine, heroic status. Tales were intentionally circulated about his miraculous childhood and of the prophecies that had foretold of his current greatness. Dio had preserved a false sounding story that is very similar to one told about Alexander the Great's mother and was probably put forth to encourage a direct comparison: When Julius Caesar decided to make Octavian his heir he was influenced by "Atia's [his mother's] emphatic declaration that the youth had been engendered by Apollo: for while sleeping in his temple, she said, she thought she had intercourse with a serpent, and it was this that caused her at the end of her pregnancy to bear a son."

There were more tales of prophecies along these lines. They were all probably made up and one of them had to have been false. This was a story that Quintus Lutatius Catulus saw a god throw what looked like a figurine of Rome in the form of a goddess into the lap of Octavian's toga as he led a procession to the temple of Jupiter. Catulus died before Octavian's fourth birthday-so obviously he was a bit young to be leading a procession to the temple of Jupiter that Catulus could possibly have seen! There was a method to these stories. The three men who supposedly told the most major of the prophecies-Nigidius, Cicero, and Catulus were all dead so they couldn't be asked about the veracity of them. More importantly, these men had all been distinguished republicans, who had opposed Julius Caesar. So the supposed prophecies of Octavian's greatness by them gave his regime founded on violence and illegality, a sheen of respectable Roman republicanism.

August of 29 BC saw Octavian celebrating three magnificent triumphs. One was over Dalmatia, where he had campaigned successfully in 35 and 34 BC; over Cleopatra (meaning Actium), and over Egypt (meaning the capture of Alexandria). If there were any doubts of Octavian's political dominance they would have been stamped out after witnessing these triumphs.

Within days of these, the Senate House opened for debate with a name change from Curia Hostilia to Curia Julia. A new speakers' platform had been built adorned with rostra, ships' prows, from Actium, and the temple to the now deified dictator, built on the spot in the Forum where he had been cremated on his quickly rigged-up pyre, was dedicated.

Here too-a change began in relation to the aforementioned dictator. Octavian had once been proud to call himself divus filius, because it established his power and authority in the eyes of his adoptive father's devoted soldiers and ordinary citizens. However, since the Sicilian War Octavian had not used the title so much and now, from this apogee of celebration and triumph, his propaganda starts to make even less noise about Julius Caesar that in past times. The reason was that Caesar had been a radical, who had crossed the Rubicon and liquidated old Rome. This was completely in opposition to the traditions and values that the new regime wanted to associate itself with-tradition rather than innovation. Of course the idea of the Republic being restored under Octavian and his "traditonal" values was nothing more than lip service and window dressing.

This took longer to correct and "edit" than I thought it would. I had some saved to drafts which helped a bunch-but my back and pain meds are slowing me down as usual. If possible, I would like to take a break and post a bit more tonight-can't promise anything-and even if I do it will be much shorter than this post. I am now in the mood of just getting all information I have posted and "here" instead of saving any for future posts-although for some reason not starting out "new" so to speak seems to help me for some reason. Thanks again so very much to Jon and anyone else who has commented on this blog. I think the information I am into now is so interesting and will try to keep this blog up as much as my health and other things allow. I hope everyone who stops by is having a beautiful holiday season so far! The image is of Emperor Hadrian's Tomb in Rome.

Intermezzo Part Five

The following information in this article is from Anthony Everitt's Augustus from pages 196 to 200. Octavian looked upon the body for a time, then paid his respects by crowning the head with a golden diadem and placing flowers on the trunk. He was asked, "Would you like to visit the mausoleum of the Ptolemies?" To this he sneered, "I came to see a king, not a row of corpses." The Alexandrians may have warmed a bit to Octavian and his admiring curiosity-but this newfound warmth towards their conqueror may have lessened when he accidentally knocked off part of Alexander's nose!

Octavian's friend Areius may have shown him the Mouseion or Place of the Muses. This was a group of buildings on the palace grounds. They included lecture halls, laboratories, a park and a zoo. These were all richly endowed by the Ptolemies and were a center of scientific research and literary studies. The Library of Alexandria was famous over the whole known world at the time. It had about 300,000 books, or scrolls as it were and was opn to anyone who could read. Julius Caesar is wrongfully accused of burning the whole library down during his short Alexandrian war of 48-47 BC-in fact only a part of it was destroyed at that time.

Octavian's stay in Alexandria probably got many wheels turning in his head about what a capital should be, both architectually and culturally. The genius of the Ptolemies had been to show how intellectuals and artists could flower and grow with a "soft" guilding hand by the state. Octavian returned to Rome with his mind made up to create a city whose public image and monuments emanated an appropriate magnificence.

Egypt now lost the independence it had held dear (with a few intervals) for thousands of years and would not reclaim until the 20th century A.D. Octavian gave the new possession, as was proper, to the Senate and People of Rome. However, in many ways Egypt had become his private fiefdom. There was a bit of irony here, as not only was Octavian considered the "lord of the two lands" (that is upper and lower Egypt), but also king of kings-the same high-flown title that Mark Antony had accorded Cleopatra. It didn't take the Egyptians long to accept and pay homage to their pharaoh from the Alban Hills of Italy. Modern archaeologists have made a recent discovery of the Egyptian jackal-headed god, Anubis, as a Roman soldier guarding the entrance to a tomb.

There was a very good reason to give Egypt higher priority than other provinces in the empire. Egypt was the Meditteraneans major producer of wheat, it was Rome's breadbasket. This made it too important to let a senator govern the kingdom as a proconsul. Octavian made his friend, the poet Gallus its first prefect. At first, Gallus seems to have done a great job as an energetic and effective leader, but his new exalted status as a kind of lieutenant pharaoh mad him drunk with power. He also engaged in "indiscreet talk when drunk" about his boss-Octavian.

Gallus even had statues made of himself and a list of his achievments inscribed on the pyramids! This was too much and a colleague sent word to Rome about his activities. In 27 BC Gallus was dismissed. Octavian only denied him entry to his house and the right to enter the provinces of which he was the proconsul. This wasn't enough for the Senate, which exiled him and confiscated his estates. Octavian thanked the Senate for supporting him in the harsh measures he had taken against his friend. Octavian stated: "I am the only man in Rome who cannot limit his displeasure with his friends. The matter always has to be taken further." There are different accounts left to us from history about how Gallus dealt with his disgrace. One has him so humiliated by it that he committed suicide. Another story says he died while having sexual intercourse. The fate of Gallus was a warning to those who orbited the center of power, not to take anything for granted or get out of line.

Enough time had elapsed between the Battle of Actium and the deaths of Antony and Cleopatra for the Meditteranean world to deal with the final conclusion of the civil wars and now to contemplate the unchallenged ascendancy of Octavian. Honors came to him from every corner of the empire, including the right to use the title Imperator, this was the name soldiers used to acclaim victorious generals, as his permanent first name. Octavian declined other awards and honors in a calculating show of modesty.

There was one senatorial decree that gave Octavian the greatest satisfaction above all others. This was the formal closing of the gates of the very modest Temple of Janus. This temple stood in the Forum and had perhaps been used as a bridge over a stream that used to flow across the square (covered a long time now and turned into a drain). Janus was the god of gateways. This god had two faces-one always facing towards the future and the other-the past. The temple had doors on either end; closed in times of peace and open in times of war. Seeing how the Romans were a very warlike people, empire-building people-these doors were almost always open. It was a great compliment and acclamation to Octavian that these doors were shut. A great symbol of the much talked about-and much delayed arrival of peace throughout the entire empire under one supreme leader.

Octavian did not get back to Italy until 29 August 30 B.C. He was consul again, and had been regularly holding the consulship since his triumviral mandate rendered in 31 B.C. Like his great-uncle, Julius Caesar, Octavian knew that he couldn't govern alone, and he made sure Rome knew that reconciliation was very much back in fashion. In his official autobiography, Octavian claimed: "Wars, both civil and foreign, I undertook throughout the world, on sea and land, and when victorious I spared all citizens who sued for pardon."

The claim of clemency should be taken with a grain of salt. Yes-many were forgiven, but some were not. Octavian was not near as free in his let bygones be bygones attitude as his great-uncle was-perhaps remembering what had happened to him by many he trusted on the Ides of March.

Revenge was even taken on the dead. Mark Antony's name was removed from the Fasti, the state register of official events, and many other steps taken such as removing statues of him-his birthday was even made a dies nefastus, an unlucky day, on which public business could not be carried out. There was more going on here than just Octavian's wish to see all memory of Mark Antony expunged from the face of the earth.

There was a propaganda machine cranking up that meant to rewrite history. Actium, which had really been no more than a minor naval engagement with the romantic twist of the star-crossed lovers Antony and Cleopatra breaking through the blockade, was being transformed into a great battle between the hardy and upright moral Rome and the effeminate and devious East, between Good and Evil itself. The poets who associated with Octavian's childhood friend Maecenas, worked on his imaginative rewritings of history.

Horace composed a memorable and-although it was well written-the poem did not have even one accurate statement in it! Virgil, who was the greatest poet of the age, wrote the most complete verse of what all of this was about, in his great national epic of Rome's beginnings, the Aeneid. In this epic, Julius Caesar's ancestor, Aeneas, has Octavian prophetically engraved on his shield at the head of tota Italia, all Italy. The nova or comet that had shone so brightly in the night sky for a week after Julius Caesar's assassination shines above Octavian as he sets out to put the corrupt and craven East in its place:

High up on the poop [he] is leading
The Italians into battle, the Senate and People with him,
His home gods and the great gods: two flames shoot up from his helmet
In jubilant light, and his father's star dawns over its crest.

The image is a marble bust of Octavian at a very young age. I do hope to post the next segment soon. I need to think of a new series name! The "intermission" is over now-if it indeed could ever have been considered one. I am glad I had some of this saved to drafts already. I can't do this near as much as I would like but it helps enormously when I can because of my back and lousy typing. The rest of this week until Monday starts again might be a bit of a mess depending on what happens, but I don't want to say what will or won't get done- as when I do I am often wrong! Please hope and pray if you want for a positive result for me with my disability hearing on the 17th-Thursday. I may not even know the answer for another 3 to 5 months-but my case will be "decided" Thursday whatever happens. The extra time is because there are not enough staff to type up decisions made-like a whole four people for the whole of Maricopa County-maybe even the whole state-forgot which. Thanks again to Jon and anyone else who has commented here or reads this blog-I appreciate it so very much-and hope to keep going with this blog as best I can in the future!

Intermezzo Part Four

However, fate or history-are they one and the same? had something else in mind. Publius Cornelius Dolabella, a young aristocrat on Octavian's staff, and yet another member of the male sex said to be "by no means insensible to Cleopatra's charms," warned her that Octavian was about to leave Egypt and that she and her children were to be sent away within three days. For Cleopatra this signaled the end of the road. She arranged for an asp-the Egyptian cobra-to be smuggled in to her in a basket of figs. Cleopatra then dismissed all of her attendants, except for two faithful ladies-in-waiting, and closed the doors to the mausoleum.

There are different versions of what happened next but the end result was the same-she died. One version has her saying "So here it is," and removing the figs to reveal the snake, and holding out her arm to be bitten. Another has her provoking the asp to anger with a golden spindle until it jumped out of a jar and bit her. She was 39. Plutarch tells us that she was discovered "lying dead upon a golden couch dressed in her royal robes. Of her two women, Iras lay dying at her feet, while Charmion, already tottering and scarcely able to hold up her head, was adjusting the crown which encircled her mistress's brow."

Now we come to the hard part-trying to decide how much of this romantically tragic ending is true? The reason being is that propaganda and some things not considered by historians and commentators. Maybe the queen's leaving the stage was in Octavian's interest? Executing a woman was not fashionable in Rome, and Cleopatra's appearance at his triumph in Rome might not have been the glittering prize it would first seem to be.

Octavian could well have remembered how Cleopatra's half-sister, Arsinoe, had won the onlookers sympathy when led in chains in one of Julius Caesar's triumphs. Could it not have been much to Octavian's advantage to have Cleopatra kill herself? Here is one scenario: When Cleopatra didn't show any tendencies toward suicide, Dolabella, a man probably half the queen's age and far from being the type of trustworthy and loyal servant that the aforementioned Iras and Charmion were, was instructed to put a "bug" in Cleopatra's ear and leak his employer's travel plans in the hope that this would push her over the edge-and it did.

As for the exact way Cleopatra exited this life it is best to agree with Dio's judgment that "no one knows clearly in what way she perished." First of all the story of the asp in a basket of figs is problematic. The typical size of such a reptile would be eight feet long-a bit large for a basket of figs and one would assume very difficult to handle! Secondly, a single bite by an asp is not necessarily fatal, and even when it is, as much as two hours can pass before the victim of the bite perishes.

We can suppose that Octavian arranged to have Cleopatra murdered, and had his propaganda machine crank out the suicide story. The problem with this theory is that there is absolutely no evidence for it. We can only judge from the facts and aftermath of the queen's death. A second look has shown us that it might have been much to Octavian's advantage to have the queen out of the way-somehow-as she would probably not have been the centerpiece of any triumph he would hold in Rome.

Octavian certainly showed no hesitation whatsoever in have the boys Caesarion and Antyllus caught and executed. Sadly, the boys' last big celebration-their coming of age ceremony was also their death sentence, for it made them as qualified for blame as culpable adults. The younger children, the twins Alexander Helios and Cleopatra Selene, and Ptolemy Philadelphus, were spared. Some historians apparently have questions about whether the youngest-Ptolemy Philadelphus- survived the journey to Rome. After being in Octavian's triumph, they joined a large group of children being cared for by Octavian's sister-the kind and maternal Octavia.

When Cleopatra Selene had grown up, she married the scholarly King Juba of Numidia, by whom she had a son and a daughter. In all likelihood, she took her brothers with her to North Africa. History tells us nothing more about them and we can suppose that they led intentionally quiet lives-doing all they could to avoid Rome's dangerous and unfair spotlight.

Octavian was somewhat different from many Romans-he enjoyed being a tourist but didn't loot expensive and beautiful objects. He only took one item, a single agate cup, away from the palace of the Ptolemies. He visited some of the sights in Alexandria, which would have been exquisite and brilliant in white limestone and marble. The most important of the sites to Octavian especially was the tomb of Alexander the Great, which stood at the crossroads of the city's two main avenues. Alexander had died in 323 BC. His embalmed body was placed in a gold and crystal coffin and was the new city's most sacred monument. Today, not a trace of the corpse or the building that housed it, the Soma, remains, although it very well could have stood on the site of today's Mosque of the Prophet Daniel.

Octavian was now the same age-33-as Alexander when he died. He was a great devotee of the conquering Macedonian. Octavian wanted to see the mummy and honor it; so it was temporarily removed from its coffin and burial chamber and displayed to the public.

The image is just an example of some Roman coinage. I almost got all the way caught up tonight-and just couldn't quite make it to the end. I will now need some time to get some article-sized information written. If tonight turns out to be another night of insomnia, I might even be able to work a bit on it this eve/am-but I would really like to sleep for once! I may be offline tomorrow-but do hope to be back soon. Again I appreciate the wonderful and insightful comments so much from Jon and others who have commented!

Intermezzo Part Three

One of Mark Antony's bodyguards brought Octavian the dead man's bloodied sword, and it is reported that he withdrew into his tent and wept. Normally, Octavian kept his feelings under wraps-as Roman men were very much expected to do, and there is only one other report of him crying tears: when he received an account of Julius Caesar's funeral. If he had indeed wept at this point it was probably from the build-up of the stresses and tensions over the years and their sudden release. It is very unlikely (although not unheard of in history of one enemy weeping at the death of another) that Octavian wept with any empathy whatsoever toward Antony. He had never gotten along with his former brother-in-law and fellow triumvir.

Octavian had pursued with an utter single-mindedness to have this man out of his way on his climb up to ultimate power. Perhaps this whole event was invented, and simply was an illustration of Octavian and his camp's skillful use of propaganda.

Although Octavian ruled the Roman world, he had never seen a great Hellenistic megalopolis before. He was only familiar with cities like Rome and Athens that had grown unplanned and unkempt over many centuries. The type of city Octavian was used to were crowded, ugly, clamorous contrivances, devoid of charm, wide avenues and splendid vistas. Thus, Alexandria made a great impression on Octavian.

The city was founded in 331 BC by Alexander the Great, the 25-year-old Macedonian king who conquered the Persian empire. The city was built on a narrow bar of land with the Meditteranean on one side and a shallow lake on the other.

A little way offshore lay an island, Pharos, with its celebrated lighthouse, which was three miles long and protected the lighthouse from storms. The street plan was based on a grid pattern, like a modern American city. A mile-long dike was built between the shore and the island of Pharos, thus creating two harbors, the Great harbor on the east side and the Eunostus (or Happy Return) harbor to the west. A canal from Lake Maraeotis in the south connected the city to the Nile and so to Egypt both as a center for making goods and a market. The city was a great success and in the first centurt B.C., the total population may have equalled Rome's.

Alexandria's magnificent look made it a center for culture and fashion throughout the eastern Meditteranean. Strabo described it as the "greatest emporium of the inhabited world." Now Octavian had the run of the city, and on foot he led his men through the Gate of the Sun, not far from the hippodrome outside the walls, and along one of the city's main thoroughfares, the Canopic Way. Anxious crowds had begun to gather around this audacious newcomer and conqueror. Octavian made a point of being accompanied by Aerius, an Alexandrian citizen and a well-known philosopher and rhetorician. This friendly move was probably to alleviate the fears of the people, as it was very common after a city's conquest that it would be given over to be pillaged and ransacked by the victors.

Octavian and his men made their way to the Gymnasium. This was the same place where Antony and Cleopatra probably held the ceremony of the Donations of Alexandria. The place was full of a very nervous people, and when Octavian came to the speaker's dais, the audience was so engulfed by their terror that they all fell on their faces. Octavian told them he had no intention of holding the city responsible for the conduct of its leaders. At Areius' request he granted a number of pardons. The Octavian went to the Royal Palace, which was to the north of the Canopic Way; here he would find Cleopatra.

He sent ahead an eques named Gaius Proculeius, a close friend of his whom, it so happened, Antony in his last moments had recommended to the queen. Proculeius had instructions to do whatever it took to capture her alive. The palace took up a whole fifth of the city, along with the quayside of the Great Harbor. The complex was almost completely buried under later buildings and there aren't any ruins to visit; however some of it sank into the sea after an earthquake and subsequent tidal wave in the fourth century B.C., and is now being explored. The main palace building stood on Cape Lochias, a promontory at the harbor mouth.

Somewhere near here, Cleopatra sat beyond despair in her mausoleum, awaiting Alexandria's conqueror-her conqueror. She had gathered gold, silver, emeralds, pearls, ebony, ivory and cinnamon (a very pricey spice in that era and regarded as a present fit for royalty) in this place. She had also brought a great deal of firewood and tinder. This implied a threat to Octavian that if he didn't treat her well, she would set everything afire.

Ancient sources tell us that Octavian's debate on what to do about Cleopatra centered around these precious items in her possession at the time, but as Anthony Everitt states in his book Augustus on page 193: "...this consideration weighed heavily with him, although it cannot have been decisive: the queen can hardly have had personal possession of the kingdom's entire reserves of precious metals-and, even if she had, they would survive a fire. The loss of the jewelry and other precious items would be a pity, but it was not a matter of high importance."

Proculeius arrived at the mausoleum and gained entry by a trick. He had noticed that the upper window through which the dying Antony had been pulled through was still open. So, while someone distracted Cleopatra by engaging her in conversation through the door of the mausoleum, Proculeius climbed through the window with two servants using a ladder. He captured Cleopatra and placed her under guard. Cleopatra was allowed to preside at Mark Antony's funeral, but not before Octavian inspected the corpse. The formerly proud queen was now a broken woman-in spirit and physically. She became ill and remained a prisoner inside the mausoleum.

The long dreamed of addition of Egypt to the Roman Empire solved Octavian's financial troubles with a flourish. Over time, after the kingdom's bullion reserves were transported to Rome, the standard rate of interest instantly dropped from 12 percent to 4 percent. There was now enough money to not only settle his account with the veterans and to buy all the land they required-it was without any surprise that land values doubled-but there was enough money to invest in yet more public works, and the weary (from the civil strife and political upheavals over the last 50 to 100 years depending on where one wants to say the collapse of the Republic began) people of Rome received munificent individual money grants.

Soon after her arrest, Ocatavian paid a visit to Cleopatra. We can assume he must have known her (or at least heard much juicy gossip and seen her) from her stay in Rome as Julius Caesar's lover nearly fifteen years previously. Her appearance now must have been so hugely different that she must have been almost unrecognizable from the proud, luxurious-and the much despised by most Romans-queen who had visited Julius Caesar then. Plutarch tells us: "She had abandoned her luxurious style of living, and was lying on a pallet bed dressed only in a tunic, but, as he entered, she sprang up and threw herself at his feet. Her hair was unkempt and her expression wild, while her eyes were shrunken and her voice trembled uncontrollably."

Octavian asked her to lie down again and sat beside her. Cleopatra-rather pathetically we can imagine (but what would we do ourselves if we were in her shoes-or tunic;-) so to speak?) then tried to justify her part in the war, saying that she had been forced to act as she did and had been in fear of Antony. Octavian must have been happy with her pleading tone, for it suggested she didn't intend to kill herself. Then he undertook to destroy excuses point by point, and she begged for pity as if desperate to save her life. The ancient commentators claim that he did indeed want her to live because she would make a praiseworthy display in the triumph he intended to hold in Rome. There is some argument later over this as we shall see.

I tried to type as long as I could taking breaks and such for my back standing up down, up down-and I just gotta quit for the eve! My back is too sore and my hands are tired. And I still want to visit the blogs my friends have-at least as many as I can. I am still ahead of the game, so to speak and have more written out ready to go. Tonight I was going to attempt just to do it all-that I had done anyway to close the "Antony/Cleopatra Chapter" -although as with Hadrian/Antinous at MFM I am sad in a way to see them go-it has been a very long time since I had originally intended to be through not only this part of Roman history-but through all of the rule of Augustus too. I would still like to go fairly slow with the rest of Augustus-using Anthony Everitt's wonderful book as my guide-although not near as slow as I have been going-lately it has been pretty much page by page-rarely even skipping a paragraphs worth for every three pages. I really need to learn to be better at condensing information!

There are so many other areas of history-even Roman history-and questions of history (btw the reason I like using Anthony Everitt's Augustus -well one of the many-is that I feel he answers a lot of questions I have had about history when I started this blog-just in this post there were some economic questions answered-and I think in past articles using Augustus there have been many other questions answered-at least for the timeframe and people we are talking about-and I am on page 197 of a 327 page book-but like I say-I need to condense better!) I would even like to talk about "What If?" questions about history in this blog-and have two "What If?" books that talk about these alternate routes history could have taken.

The image is lame for what I was looking for-although still part of the story. It is a representation of Cleopatra VII (our Cleopatra) and her son by Julius Caesar-Caesarion. We will find out soon what happens to the children involved here also. I just checked out wikipedia-and they seem to have questions about the 2 youngest males that Everitt's book doesn't-so that might be interesting to think about. I was looking for a model-painting-heck-any type of likeness of Alexandria in the first century B.C. I will keep searching and put it in this post or a future one. I do hope to post again here in a matter of days. Thanks again Jon and anyone else who has commented in the past for your fantastic and intelligent comments! I really appreciate getting comments on this blog-it gives me that much more enjoyment for doing a blog about a subject I love and am always learning new viewpoints etcetera about. All the best to anyone stopping by!

Intermezzo Part Two

Today's installment will determine if I can type with an angry cat after me! My cat has the run of the place-my heart-my home -everything-I just can't type with her in my lap-so she isn't very happy to be set down like just now!

Cleopatra still had plenty of money and her people were loyal to her. An army and a fleet were put together. To help the mood in Alexandria, a great ceremony-almost as magnificent as the Donations of Alexandria-was held, at which the sixteen-year-old King of Kings, Ptolemy XV Caesar (aka Caesarion), and Antony's son by Fulvia, the fourteen-year-old Antyllus, officially came of age.

Octavian received a succession of envoys from Alexandria. He listened to their proposals, but conceded nothing. Octavian didn't make his own stand clear, but it was obvious that he wanted to win the great and wonderfully wealthy prize of Egypt. Egypt had attracted the covetous gaze of powerful Romans for more than a century. Octavian wanted to win Egypt for himself, not just for the greater glory of Rome.

Octavian planned to use another pincer movement for the invasion. Four Antonian legions that had switched loyalties would invade from Cyrenaica-the land directly to the west of Egypt. In a show of favor, Octavian appointed the command of these men to the 30-year-old Gaius Cornelius Gallus, although he was only an eques and previously best known as a fine lyric poet. For once, the indispensable Agrippa was left back in Rome. This was because the Egyptian campaign was unlikely to cause problems that would require his strategic services. Octavian marched through Syria at the head of a large army towards the Egyptian frontier. Mark Antony was finally able to get out of his funk for a bit because he thought he could win his legions back if he went to Paretonium where Gallus had installed himself.

But poor Antony-his attempts to win back his legionaires and take the town failed. His ships were trapped in the harbor and burned or sunk. The remainder of Antony and Cleopatra's forces were stationed at Pelesium, a port on the easternmost edge of the Nile delta. It straddled the coastal route that edged the Sinai desert, and being the only way of entry by land into Egypt from the east, was strategically important.

Pharaohs throughout the millenia had always made sure it was well protected by a strong garrison. Pelesium fell with minimal resistance. It could have been quickly stormed without being able to put up much of a fight-or more intriguingly surrendered by Cleopatra. If this were the case, she was trying to break her ties to Mark Antony. Cleopatra's first loyalty had always been to her kingdom and maintaining her power-no matter what bonds were said to be forged in the 'societies' or 'orders' she and Antony created. This scenario and other accounts of her actions during this time could have been taken straight from Octavian's propaganda machine, which proclaimed the queen's eastern deviousness and Antony's embarrassing role as her dupe.

Octavian also seems to have encountered little or no defiance at Alexandria. He passed the upscale suburb of Canopus and set up a camp near the hippodrome, just outside the city walls. When Antony got news that Pelesium had fallen, he quickly made his way back to Alexandria and, on the outskirts of the city, took on an advance guard of enemy cavalry and wiped them out. Antony was ecstatic by this victory and returned to the palace and embraced Cleopatra while still in full armor. After that, he introduced her to a soldier who had displayed great bravery during the battle. As a reward, the queen gave him a golden helmet and breastplate. The soldier took them, and that night promptly deserted to Octavian.

Antony challenged his onetime fellow triumvir to single combat with hopeless bravado. Antony couldn't possibly have been anticipating an agreement and Octavian responded derisively: "There are many different ways by which Antony can die." On 31 July, Antony decided to launch an all-out attack by both land and sea the next day. At dinner that night he ate and drank heartily and told the people around him that he didn't expect to survive the battle. Supposedly this is what transpired later that evening: "about the hour of midnight, when all was hushed and a mood of dejection and fear of its impending fate brooded over the whole city, suddenly a marvellous sound of music was heard...as if a troop of revellers were leaving the city, shouting and singing as they went...Those who tried to discover a meaning for the prodigy concluded that the god Dionysus, with whom Antony claimed kinship and whom he sought above all to imitate was now abandoning him."

Indeed, gods in those days were often imagined to leave besieged cities before they fell, Troy, Athens and Jerusalem being some examples. However, if this story has a basis in fact, the Alexandrians could have been hearing Octavian, backed up by a soldiers' chorus, performing an evocatio, in this ceremony, a Roman general would call on the gods of an enemy city to change sides and go over to Rome. On 1 August, as dawn broke, Antony sent his fleet eastward to meet Octavian's ships, and he positioned his land forces on rising ground between the city walls and the hippodrome.

What happened next was a fiasco of mind-boggling proportions. It would have been a comedy for everyone except Antony and Cleopatra and those close to them. The ships raised their oars and surrendered without a fight; the fleets immediately combined and set a new course for Alexandria. The cavalry deserted and the foot soldiers made good on their "name" and used their feet to run away! Antony went into a rage when he got back inside the walls of Alexandria. He is reported to have shouted out that Cleopatra had indeed betrayed him (as some suggested earlier-I will talk more about this later-something just came to me involving this) to the enemies that he was fighting on her behalf. Terrified, she had a message sent that she was dead.

Now there was just one thing to do-go honorably the Roman way. Antony asked his body servant to run him through, but was failed again by "his" staff as the man turned on his own sword and committed suicide himself! Antony then stabbed himself in the stomach and lay on the bed. However, not only did the wound fail to kill him but soon stopped bleeding. He was still in pain and begged bystanders to put him out of his misery, but they too ran away from him.

Cleopatra heard what had happened and sent word for Antony to be brought to her. She was hiding in a large mausoleum she had commissioned, which stood-still only part finished in the palace grounds near a Temple of Isis-the goddess that Cleopatra claimed kinship with. Cleopatra was scared of any surprises and refused to unseal the doors, and she and two women servants painstakingly pulled the dying man with ropes up to a high window. Plutarch writes: "clinging with both hands to the rope and with the muscles of her face distorted by the strain." Cleopatra beat and scratched her breasts in the traditional manner of a grieving widow, and smeared her face with the blood from Antony's wound. Antony tried to calm her, and true to his reputation to the end called for and drank a cup of wine before dying.

My ever so brilliant deduction (joke:-) I just had-and maybe had the first glimmerings for several days ago when I wrote this-is this: By taking the dying Antony into her hiding place at the mausoleum -and it seems using quite a bit of stress to do it-haven't we exonerated-just maybe-the idea that Cleopatra had already turned her back on him and was even cooperating with the enemy? Or is it me-whose deductions are foolish? She may indeed have known how hopeless their cause was -even long before this as she was a very intelligent, learned woman. But as we shall see later (hopefully within a matter of days-I am trying to keep on top of this) she seemed to want to save her life later-as maybe her courage had left her by then. But with that in mind why do this with Antony now? Why not leave him out to die on his own? She had to have known that this would be used against her by Octavian I would think anyway.

I would love to hear anyone else's thoughts on this or anything else here on this blog. Thanks again so very much to Jon and others who have commented here and anyone reading or following this blog-I really appreciate hearing your thoughts and ideas! I hope to have the next part here soon and already have more written down, for some reason I have found it has helped me with this blog to stay several steps ahead. When I get everything I have posted it seems like such a large climb up the hill to get more done. I hope no one feels "gypped" no pun intended-by me doing it this way-especially as we are into such a fascinating timeframe-like I say I do intend to go as fast as I can barring problems with this blog for awhile. The image is a painting of Cleopatra by John William Waterhouse. The source used for this article was once again Anthony Everitt's excellent book Augustus, pages 189 to 191.

Intermezzo Part One

At this point many more soldiers were active than needed-or could be afforded. Octavian sent Italian veterans older than a certain age back to Italy for their formal discharge, but gave these men no land or money, because at the time Octavian had none to give! Agrippa was sent to deal with these men who had become resentful-and rightfully so. This was not the only sign that Octavian's regime was unpopular.

Maecenas discovered a plot to assassinate Octavian upon his return to Italy. This plot had been clumsily hatched by Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, son of the former deposed triumvir and a nephew of Marcus Brutus. This young man was put to death. Dio writes that Antony and Cleopatra planned to "actually kill [Octavian] by treachery." We can wonder if they were ever in touch with the younger Lepidus? Here we can see another aspect of Octavian's personality that helped him enormously in his rule over the Roman empire-and it's a quality that some other ancient and modern dictators lack or lacked completely. Octavian was more than happy to delegate powers to Agrippa and Maecenas. Of course these were two of the men who had been with him since his childhood and he had no reason not to trust them completely-so Octavian was certainly no fool in who he put his faith in. Octavian allowed both men to read his communiques to the Senate, and correct them if they saw a need for it. He had duplicates made of his seal ring-the image of a sphinx-so that they could seal up his letters again.

The Donations of Alexandria were immeditately canceled. Octavian did depose many minor royal figures-but Octavian confirmed on their thrones the major client kings-Amyntas of Galatia, who had defected to him before Actium; Polemo of Pontus, who had stayed put in his kingdom; and Archelaus of Cappodocia. These men were able rulers, and they knew very well that it was their best interest to stay loyal to whoever ruled Rome. In the case of these men and others, Mark Antony had been a very good judge of character and Octavian didn't see any reason to change the arrangements he had made in this part of the world. For Antony's sake it is only too bad-and a bit strange-that he wasn't a better judge of Octavian's character-or could at least deciphered his ultimate goal!

As to the directly ruled provinces of the empire, reliable and safe colleagues were appointed eventually as proconsuls. For example, Cicero's son Marcus, although drunk quite often, but reliable was given Syria. For the time being, the newly minted province of Armenia was lost. The deposed king of that nation had taken advantage of the distraction of Actium to reclaim his realm. Octavian had no choice but to ignore this slap in the face to Roman power and interests. The decision about what was to be done about the eastern frontier-the Armenians, the Medes, and east of them the untamed Parthians, who still held the lost standards of Crassus from 53 BC-would have to be put on the back-burner for now. Octavian was simply too busy.

Agrippa wrote a disturbing letter to Octavian in January of 30 BC. Octavian was still on Samos when he received it. The letter said that Agrippa wasn't able to handle the Italian veterans who had become openly mutinous and that his prescence was needed immediately. This was a terrible time of year to take a long sea journey because of dangerous storms, but it had to be done. When Octavian disembarked at Brundisium, something happened that let him know that people realized Rome was being ruled be one unchallenged man now. He was met by the entire Senate (except for a couple of praetors and the tribunes), many equites, and great numbers of regular citizens. Octavian received an enthusiastic welcome. This was a singular honor as it was normal for senators to meet a returning ruler outside the gates of Rome, but to get to Brundisium they had travelled 300 miles to do so!

The angry veterans met Octavian at Brundisium too, and he quickly met their demands, although he didn't have enough "liquid" cash to pay them all on the spot. He had to issue promises postdated to the expected fall of Alexandria. This satisified the veterans-for now. But Octavian knew he could not trifle with these promises, and after a month back on Italian soil Octavain returned to Samos, where he made plans for the long-awaited invasion of Egypt.

Unfortunately for Antony and Cleopatra the "theory" of political power ran up against "realpolitik." In theory they should haven't had reason to be unhappy, because they still ruled half the Roman empire. The complete financial and human wealth and reserves should have been theirs to use as they saw fit. However, since Actium, important people in the eastern provinces were unwilling to supply more aid and soldiers to support what they considered a lost cause.

Upon Antony's eventual arrival in Alexandria from Paratonium, he abandoned the palace and his friends. In his emotional despair he chose to live by himself in a quayside house that sat beside Alexandria's great lighthouse, more than 300 feet high, on the island of Pharos. Mark Antony turned 54 on 14 January 30 BC. Cleopatra got him out of his self-pity and misery by throwing a spectacular birthday bash for him. Plutarch wrote: "Cleopatra and Antony now dissolved their celebrated Society of Inimitable Livers and instituted another, which was at least its equal in elegance, luxury and extravagance, and which they called the Order of the Inseperable in Death. Their friends joined it on the understanding that they would end their lives together, and they set themselves to charm away the days with a succession of exquisite supper parties."

The couple knew Octavian would arrive with the coming of spring and march against them. They had no realistic opportunity to escape to some other part of the world, although they had briefly considered Spain and Cleopatra had tried to organize an expedition to Arabia but failed. The lovers were cornered. They had but two options left: negotiate and if that failed, to prepare for a final and futile last stand.

I still have some information written-probably two or three posts worth. I think 3 new posts -although the two below had been done mostly and saved to drafts is enough for now-and I still have one more post at my writing blog to do -that is if the power doesn't go out! The lights began to flicker a bit ago and it is actually stormy and rainy here in the desert tonight, which is weather I love-I would just love it more if I felt better. There is actually a question about the image I used-but I will post this bit first-just in case the power fails-and then if it doesn't come back with a link and my question about it. Thanks again so very much to anyone commenting or reading this blog!

OK-I hope this link works-if it doesn't I won't mess with it anymore. I think I answered my own question anyway. I was trying to see if any images of frescoes or anything had been unearthed at Augutus' house on the Palatine Hill. He was supposed to have had an appreciation for how life was kind of a farce -not to be taken too seriously. There was supposed to have been a frescoe of the tragic and comic masks actors wore in his bedroom. That is what I started to look for image-wise. I found the above image instead and thought it was from his place, but apparently it is from a cave-the Lupercal-very near to where his home was on the Palatine Hill and recently unearthed. So the image is from the cave and not Augustus' place. If the link works scroll down a bit to a November 21, 2007 entry and it tells about it. Again I couldn't be doing this series without Anthony Everitt's excellent book Augustus. I hope to post again very soon. Here is the link. http://chem11.proboards.com/index.cgi?board=UFO&action=print&thread=398

Battle Of Actium Part Two

Also interesting in the story of this fascinating event in Roman history is the fact that Octavian and Agrippa could not know for sure they had won. Octavian probably suspected he was the victor, but he couldn't be 100 percent certain. The night was starting to come and it wasn't always easy to tell and enemy ship from a friendly one at the best of times. Octavian would have received reports from a battle front that was probably over four miles long, but he could not rely on the accuracy of the reports.

Octavian's position would have been somewhere toward the center of his line, and he would have seen Cleopatra's getaway under full sail, but he wouldn't have any knowledge or reason, necessarily, to think that Mark Antony had fled the scene with her. One thing Octavian did see was a retreat by some enemy ships. He had learned, during the war with Sextus Pompeius that admirals often felt they had to spend a sleepless night at sea after a battle.

He and Agrippa knew they had probably achieved victory in corraling what remained of Antony's fleet, and they wanted to avoid the risk of it escaping under the cloak of night or at first light. To prevent this, as uncomfortable (especially as they were no doubt exhausted-just from the adrenaline coursing through their veins during the day and finally stopping would have left them drained and weary) and dangerous as it was, they kept their ships at sea throughout the night.

With the arrival of morning, Octavian now back on land could assess the battle. He saw that he had definitely achieved a partial victory at least. Between 30 and 40 enemy galleys had been sunk and about 5,000 of Antony's troops killed. The commanders of the 130 to 140 residual ships considered the hopelessness of their cause and surrendered. However, the large army of 50,000 men was still together under the leadership of Publius Canidius Crassus. Crassus had begun to lead these men towards the Pindos mountains and the relative safety of Macedonia. If this army could not be dealt with in some way, the battle of Actium would just be one engagement of the war and not its decisive encounter, so Octavian marched after Antony's legions.

As events conspired, Octavian had no need to worry. These men had no idea that their commander had abandoned them, until the day after the battle. For a time, they were certain Antony would appear from somewhere. However, the days and nights passed with no sight or word of him and these soldiers' confidence was lost. Instead they chose to deal with the victor, Octavian. After a week of difficult negotiations in which the soldiers demanded to be treated as if they had been on the winning side, Octavian caved in and agreed to keep the legions intact instead of disbanding them and more importantly he promised to give them the same rewards as the victorious army.

Canidius and other senior officers didn't want any involvement in this deal, and one night they left camp and made they sad and lonely way to Mark Antony. Mark Antony and Cleopatra's activities and location took awhile after Actium to get to Octavian. Antony had caught up to Cleopatra and they went to the beautiful port of Paraetonium, located just inside Egypt's western frontier and 180 miles from Alexandria.

Antony sent Cleopatra ahead to Alexandria with her ships bedecked in the garlands of victory. Before the truth could become known she had any potential rabblerousers killed. Antony had hoped to communicate with four of his legions in Cyrene, but they had already went over to Octavian and refused to meet him. Now Mark Antony fell into a dark and deep depression. Octavian sent a message of victory to Rome. Here in the aftermath of his victory at Actium another aspect of his personality came out that was so typical of the way he had methodically rose to power. Patient as ever, he was in no hurry to deal with the defeated queen and general. Octavian decided to spend the oncoming winter on the island of Samos.

The image is of a marble bust of Marcus Vipsanius Agrippa in the Louvre Museum in Paris. Thanks again for your fantastic and insightful comments! I always learn to look at things in a new light or perhaps change my whole perspective with the comments some people have left so I very much appreciate them! This post and the previous were saved to drafts and just required a slight bit of work to post. I hope to do one more for the night that will need to be typed up from the start. All the best to anyone stopping by!

PS-the next series name "Intermezzo" is not one I am sure I like -or that even properly describes this time frame -I was trying to think of a new post series name -short - and remembered a book I had read a long time ago about Soviet history-and it had a chapter called "An Itermezzo With Konstantin Chernenko" so that is where the name came from-I don't know Italian or any other languages but wish I did-especially French, Spanish and Italian.

Battle Of Actium Part One

Agrippa waited for Antony to realize he was not going to move, and start on his own again. This, eventually Antony did, putting himself with the squadron on the right. The command of Antony's left flank was given to the competent and able Sosius. Here the "fog of war" takes over and history can give only the widest and most nebulous account of what happened next.

Plutarch tells us: "The fighting took on much of the character of a land battle, or to be more exact, of an attack on a fortified town. Three or four of Octavian's ships clustered around each one of Antony's and the fighting was carried on with wicker shields, spears, poles, and flaming missiles, while Antony's soldiers also shot with catapults from wooden towers."

We can imagine that with his greater number of warships, that Agrippa could move his fleet into two lines and most likely did so, while Antony would have only been able to have one line of ships. Early into the battle, Agrippa began to test Antony's northern flank. Antony's ships responded by moving northward, maybe swinging around from a north/south to a west/east axis. This would have had the effect of weakening both parties center lines.

After a couple of hours into the fight, Agrippa must have started to feel more confident as there hadn't been an enemy line he couldn't break through. Antony's ships were fighting as best they could, they were simply outnumbered. In the early afternoon, the wind changed direction, as it did every day allowing a stunning event to occur.

Cleopatra's squadron, which hadn't been engaging in any of the fighting suddenly sailed through the weakened center, where there was room enough to maneuever between groups of battling vessels. Her ship was easy to spot because it had a royal purple sail. With the change in wind direction, once Cleopatra's squadron had bypassed Leucas, it could speed south with a breeze billowing in their sails and make their getaway outrunning Octavian's sailless ships with ease. Antony immediately took some ships from his position in the north. His own flagship was too involved in fighting, so he transferred to another vessel and took after Cleopatra with a small armada.

Here is a fascinating small digression about where the ancient commentators were wrong about this event. They incorrectly imagined that Cleopatra lost her courage and fled out of cowardice, and that Mark Antony followed her because he was enraptured with passion and love for Cleopatra. Looking back over 2,000 years we can tell this was very much not the situation. Here is why: 1) The stowing of the sails for use later on to escape. 2) The order of battle (with Cleopatra's ships kept towards the rear with no intention of fighting. 3) The timing of the escape to catch the afternoon wind change.

These facts-not theories or suppositions tell us that the couple was proceeding according to a well thought-out and executed plan. The traitor Dellius had made Agrippa aware that a general breakout was planned-but he hadn't known the specifics, so Agrippa was caught entirely unawares that Cleopatra would try to make her escape while the rest of Antony's fleet tried to keep him occupied. Agrippa had played right into their plan by sailing north to outflank Antony's right and this thinning his center-allowing for Cleopatra's escape.

We can imagine that Antony hoped that other ships of his would also be able to escape, but these vessels were completely engaged trying to fight off Octavian's larger fleet. The wind grew stronger after another hour and some of Antony's ships began to surrender. They had nothing to be ashamed of. The fight had been one of unequal strength from the beginning. Other ships of his withdrew into the Actium strait.

The image is an artist's rendering of the famous Alexandria lighthouse of the island of Pharos. I hope to be back soon with another post. All the best to anyone stopping by!

War Drums Part Eight

The defection of Amyntas was like a snowball rolling downhill, everywhere he looked Antony was losing client kings, Roman senators and others. The most stinging betrayal was the of Domitius Ahenobarbus. He was suffering from a fever that most likely had its source from whatever illness it was that had swept theough Actium earlier in the summer. Ahenobarbus sailed on a small boat to the bay of Comaros. Plutarch tells us: "Antony, although he was deeply grieved by his friend's desertion, sent not only his baggage but all his friends and servants after him, whereupon Domitius died almost immediately, as if he longed to repent as soon as his treachery and disloyalty became public knowledge."

This charitable side of Mark Antony was short-lived, however. He was a man who could be almost as cruel as Octavian when he became agitated. More than a few important defectors were executed in some harsh and imaginative ways after the defection of Ahenobarbus. One senator met his end by being tied to horses and pulled apart. Antony did very much understand, however, that some course of action must be decided on and made at haste. Things could not be allowed to fall apart much longer, so he withdrew his troops back to Actium and called a council of war.

One day Octavian noticed smoke coming from the area where Antony's fleet was based. He knew what was going on: Antony did not have enough oarsmen to man his whole fleet, so he was burning extra ships so they didn't come into his possession. From this it was easy to conclude that the final conflict was coming up fast. The man who had advised Cleopatra about the best method to attract Antony-Dellius-who was one of the defectors from Antony's camp-gave a full report to Octavian about Antony's intentions. He told Octavian that Antony was planning to try to break the blockade at sea.

This was the kind of decision an intelligent man in the matters of war would make under the circumstances. It would have been a very arduous task taking a demoralized army through the steep passes of the Pindos mountains, whereas it was reasonable to assume that a good portion of the fleet would escape manned with Antony's best legionaires. They could then meet up with the 11 or 12 legions in Egypt and Cyrenaica, and try to fight another day-at least that was the plan. The way Octavian's or more precisely Agrippa's response would be framed was the question now. In a very large sense, whatever type of battle was to come, for Octavian's camp-and many onlookers-this deluge of high level defections from Antony recently-the issue of who had won this conflict had already been decided.

To many important people, whether Antony and Cleopatra could break the blockade and escape mattered very little. If the pair could be caught and executed quickly it would simply abbreviate the coming war a great deal. Octavian and Agrippa had decided that if Antony tried to engage at or close to the mouth of the Actium Strait, they would hold back. This was for the obvious reason that they would lose the advantage of greater numbers if they fought in confined waters. Octavian and Agrippa did agree that they would not let Antony's fleet run through the blockade without a fight. If Antony made a clean break it would give him the initiative and also have a detrimental impact on opinion among the military and in Italy. But if Octavian's side waited on open seas, at some point Antony would be forced to emerge and fight on waters of their own choice.

If it happened that way they would try to outflank him in the north (the island that Agrippa had taken over-Leucas-would prevent that maneuver towards the south). Octavian's side would then encircle Antony's smaller fleet, or force him to lengthen his line of ships, which would make it easier for their ships to surround single ships and eliminate them one at a time. Due to the loss of manpower on Antony's side, the balance of naval force was in Octavian's favor. When Antony had first arrived at Ephesus, he had around 500 ships. Now he only had enough men to use 230-possibly less.

Octavian had about 400 ships available. Antony's ships were larger than Octavian's and had more oarsmen so at least this factor was in Antony's favor as they were just as maneuverable as Octavian's vessels. Stormy weather had forced Antony to delay his plans for four days-from 29 August to 2 September. The morning of 2 September was clear and sunny and the fleets headed out to confront each other. Octavian-definitely knowing who was best for the job ahead-smartly gave tactical command to Agrippa. Agrippa put about forty thousand men on the ships (approximately 90 per galley), and deployed them about one mile off the headlands Parginosuela and Scylla, marked the entry into the Actium narrows. With his fleet "parked" in this area, Agrippa waited to see what Antony would do. Mark Antony divided his fleet into four squadrons. On his galleys were about 20,000 legionaires and some archers.

One of the squadrons was Cleopatra's with sixty ships in all. Cleopatra herself was on her flaghip, the Antonias which carried enormous amounts of gold, silver coins, ingots and other items of great worth. Not only was the safety of the queen important, but it was absolutely essential that her war chest didn't fall into Octavian's hands or to the bottom of the sea. 50,000 men in Antony's army remained under the command of Publius Canidus Crassus, who was a long-time ally of Antony's. He had campaigned with great success in Armenia. If the fleet made its escape, he was to march to Macedonia, if possible, and then east.

Before leaving, Antony gave his ships' captains an odd order that may have demoralized them further if they could see how little sense it made in one context and how much in another context. Antony told them to take their sails with them so that not a single enemy ship escaped capture. In this era, sails were seldom if ever used in battle. They took up too much room when stowed and curtailed maneuverability when used. These men were probably wise enough to see through Antony's proclaimed reason and that he wanted the sails stored because he anticipated defeat and flight.

The defector, Dellius had told Agrippa about Antony's plans and he even knew about the decision to load the sails. The men who were not on the ships were watching from the shoreline to see how the battle would go. Octavian's soldiers had such a good view of Antony's ships that they could see exactly what he was doing in the strait and may have been able to keep their commanders updated by using small boats or a type of signaling. There was no surprises when the ships emerged from the strait, and deployed in two lines that stretched between the headlands and stopped. Cleopatra's squadron stayed behind the lines, and did not appear as if it were going to take an active role in the battle. Antony moved first and sailed towards the opening of the strait, hoping Agrippa would take the bait and start fighting. This plan failed because Agrippa judiciously refused to move. Thus a very long wait ensued that lasted through the morning. The two fleets, maybe a mile apart rested on their oars.

The first image is a painting done by Lorenzo Castro in 1672 called The Battle of Actium. I am going to try to put a second image here of the Anbracian Gulf with the location of Octavian's camp and Antony's first and second camps marked on it. I hope it comes out clear. I scanned the page directly from Anthony Everitt's Augustus. The information in this particular post is from his book from pages 180 to 183. I will try to go backwards through all of my posts here and put -if I can locate it-exactly what source and page the data is from sometime soon.

This blog kind of had a "near-death experience". This is because I wasn't sure how many people-if any -at times were reading it and it is too much work to do if no one was reading it. I think I have gone 10 or more posts here without a comment. But recently Jon and other great readers have commented on posts here-so that makes it all worth it. I also put the "sitemeter" thing on to see how many-if any -other readers were stopping by. It has only been on here since the 24th of November so it is probably too early to say I have exact data on it yet-but I was pleasantly surprised to see that out of the first 100 visitors 3 of them spent between 8 minutes and an hour with the blog.

To many 3 out of a hundred may not seem like much-especially as the other 97 stopping by were here zero seconds and it was obviously a net search that didn't pan out for them. But 3 out of a hundred is enough for me to keep going with it-especially if great comments come in here and there. At my "main" blog-My Favorite Monsters-8 to 9 people out of 100 spend any kind of time there-averaging 8 and a half minutes per visit. This is by averaging-the 8 and a half minutes comes from averaging a great many visits-and most are 1 to 4 minutes of the ones that stay-but the eight and a half comes in from averaging the ones that stay 25 minutes and more-with the "record" haha being 72 minutes.

Sorry for the "nerdmania" about visit statistics-I don't know why stuff like that interests me-maybe I should have been a bean-counter when I was able to go to school and work! By the way-I don't look or care about seeing the IP addresses and trying to match or guess who the hometowns are of people commenting. I only know the hometown of an Arizona "blogpal" because she mentioned it in a post-much less the out of state and country visits. I do have to give a "shout-out" to whichever reader of My Favorite Monsters and Dev's Questions hails from the town of Gliwece, Poland in the Katowice area of that nation. Thank you for having been at both of these blogs from the start!

Actually I would like to work more on this blog and my writing blog than My Favorite Monsters for awhile. My writing attempts may be beyond help-but I am going to try. A wonderful woman who I consider more like a sister than a friend has helped with this by recently sending me a Christmas gift of a book that should be easy and interesting to use for posts at My Favorite Monsters while I try hard to work on this and the other blog. You know who you are and you are "on my list" along with your son and father should I win my case-thanks again! OK-sorry -sheesh my internal-well hopefully external too "dialogue" about things unrelated to history is almost longer than the post I just did probably. One last thing related to this blog is that either when I am done with the "Cleopatra/Antony" portion-or maybe all the way through Augustus' rule itself-I would like to add other historical topics in between the Roman history-because I want to go through all eleven other "Caesars" and do a bit about the history of the "5 Good Emperors"-and I don't want others to get bored with Rome or me myself get bored with it. I tried to do this already with the "KAL" posts and a few about the Gorbachev era back in August and September. Thanks again for the fantastic comments and peace and be well to anyone stopping by!

War Drums Part Seven

The next step would be for Octavian to move his legions from Brundisium to a place near the Via Egnatia in the north. At that point his forces would need to march south immediately moving as fast as they possibly could to corner Antony and keep him from moving his army out of the confined area of Actium into central Greece, where he would have elbow-room to make trouble and maybe even outmaneuver Octavian.

This was an enormously daring plan to say the least. A single stroke of bad luck-a Meditteranean storm could have laid waste to the whole thing. The plan involved moving a fleet across open seas (we would assume if it wasn't to be detected the ships could not have hugged the coastline) and risking the calamity of a Meditteranean squall. However, the mission was crowned with complete success. History has not left us details of the exact sequence of events, but we do know that Methone fell and Octavian, immediately, without any harrassment from the weather or the enemy forces, transferred the main part of his army across the Adriatic Sea, landing somewhere between the Via Egnatia and Corcyra-maybe at Panormus (modern Palermo in Albania).

The first news of Octavian and Agrippa's daring move to reach the headquarters of Antony and Cleopatra was that the enemy had taken over a small town some miles north of Actium called Toryne, the Greek word for ladle. It was a sign of the general anxiety at their headquarters at Patrae that Cleopatra made a terrible joke to try to obscure the nervousness the news provoked: "What is so terrible about Caesar Octavian having got hold of a ladle?" Once Octavian arrived at Actium he found an excellent spot, a hill that is now known as Mikhalitzi today. It was about five miles north of the channel into the Ambracian Gulf, and at 400 feet in height, it had great views all around of the surrounding areas. Right next to it in the south, there was an area that was flat enough to stage a battle, should that become necessary.

Shortly after his arrival, Octavian put his fleet in open water and offered battle, but the other side, short of men and not performing well, smartly declined to come out of safe harbor. Antony was having trouble recruiting oarsmen and keeping them. According to Plutarch, Antony was so short of men that the captain of his warships were "press-ganging travellers, muledrivers, reapers, and boys not yet of military age from the exhausted provinces of Greece."

Antony and Cleopatra came from Patrae in a few days. He moved his army from Actium to the northern peninsula. This may have been at the last part of April. He built a new camp that faced Octavian's. Antony was now ready and restless for battle. However, now Octavian was no longer so eager to fight. There was a very strong reason for this: the amazing and tireless Agrippa had captured the island of Leucas. This gave Octavian's men a safe harbor right on Antony's doorstep, and would make it terribly difficult for supply ships from Egypt to make it to Actium. This was an awful move for Antony's and Cleopatra's camp. Supplies started to run very low and Antony had to break the stranglehold.

There wasn't anything to be gained by waiting to do this, Octavian would simply become stronger because he had secure logistical support coming from Italy. Antony tried to prevent Octavian's camp from access to water by taking control of the springs in the plain beneath Mikahlitzi. He also sent another force of cavalry on a long journey around the Ambracian Gulf to establish itself above Octavian's camp and with that cut off their access to the Louros. However, once again, Lady Luck favored Octavian. His general Titus Statilius Taurus, launched a sudden counterattack and drove off Antony's men. At this juncture one of the eastern client kings deserted Antony's cause.

With the passage of time the health of Antony's men began to disintegrate. There were hardly any tides produced by the Meditteranean to wash away the garbage generated by a large army and naval fleet occupying such a crowded space. During the hot months of summer a plague of either dysentery or malaria wreaked havoc on Antony's camp. Men died and morale fell severely.

Most likely in early August, Antony led a vigorous attempt to break out by land. At the same time, Sosius commanded his fleet to sail under cover of a thick fog or mist and demolished the small enemy squadron that was blockading the exit from the straits of Actium. Most likely, the plan was for Sosius to join forces with Antony at some convenient point on the coast. Again, however, Lady Luck was on the side of Octavian and his forces. Agrippa, by pure chance, arrived in the area with the rest of his fleet and made Sosius flee back into harbor. Antony then tried another cavalry engagement-maybe by trying to cut off Octavian's water supply again-but was repelled. This led to the defection of King Amyntas of Galatia from Antony's forces with 2,000 cavalry.

The image is of a silver tetradrachm, Greco-Roman, minted in the Eastern Meditteranean c. 36 B.C. It shows both Antony on one side and Cleopatra on the other. I like using images of coinage from this period in history because the coins themselves-in certain cases-tell a huge story of what was going on at the time. I need to get caught up again with having material ready to post. It may be a week before anything is here again, but I doubt it will be that long. I wanted to give an outside time limit just in case. Thanks again to Jon, Cioara, Autumnforest and anyone who is commenting, reading or following this blog! We are coming up on a fascinating time with our story here and I am anxious to get to it and the aftermath.